• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.389-395
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• 2020

Female empowerment advertising campaigns are easily observed in the United States and European countries whereas it is rarely found in Korea. Thus, this study is designed to analyze female empowerment advertising campaigns so-called femvertising through a case analysis method. The case analysis is often employed in the field of advertising and other social sciences, especially is helpful in finding current trends. Study results found that themes of global femvertising campaigns could be categorized into 'redefining women's beauty', 'gender equality', 'education', and 'leadership'. The objective of these femvertising campaigns is to change perspectives of the society on women and change men's perspective. In terms of product category by global femvertising campaign companies, it varies from consumer goods, IT & electronics, automotive, finance, toy, non-profit organization to press. In general, femvertising targets women, but some femvertising campaigns also target men. This study also provides implications in regards with media usage strategy and advertising planning strategy.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.3879-3887
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• 2012

Background: Development of effective educational strategies should accompany increases in public awareness and the availability of genetic testing for breast cancer (BC). These educational strategies should be designed to fulfill the knowledge gap while considering factors that influence women's interest in order to facilitate decision making. Objective: To determine the possible correlates of Saudi women's interest in BC genes testing including socio-demographics, the level of awareness towards BC genes, the family history of BC and the perceived personal risk among adult Saudi women in Al Hassa, Saudi Arabia. Subjects and methods: This cross-sectional study was carried out during the second BC community-based campaign in Al Hassa, Saudi Arabia. All Saudi women aged ${\geq}18$ years (n=781) attending the educational components of the campaign were invited to a personal interview. Data collection included gathering information about sociodemographics, family history of BC, the perceived personal risk for BC, awareness and attitude towards BC genes and the women's interest in BC genes testing. Results: Of the included women (n=599), 19.5% perceived higher risk for BC development, significantly more among < 40 years of age, and with positive family history of BC before 50 years of age. The participants demonstrated a poor level of awareness regarding the inheritance, risk, and availability of BC genetic testing. The median summated knowledge score was 1.0 (out of 7 points) with a knowledge deficit of 87.8%. The level of knowledge showed significant decline with age (> 40 years). Of the included women 54.7% expressed an interest in BC genetic testing for assessing their BC risk. Multivariate regression model showed that being middle aged (Odds Ratio 'OR'=1.88, confidence intervals 'C.I'=1.14-3.11), with higher knowledge level (OR=1.67, C.I=1.08-2.57) and perceiving higher risk for BC (OR=2.11, C.I=1.61-2.76) were the significant positive correlates for Saudi women interest in BC genetic testing. Conclusion: Saudi women express high interest in genetic testing for BC risk despite their poor awareness. This great interest may reflect the presence of inappropriate information regarding BC genetic testing and its role in risk analysis.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.53-63
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• 2018

The traditional mass media function of conveying information and forming public opinion has rapidly changed into an environment in which information and opinions are shared through social media with the development of ICT technology, and such social media further strengthens its influence. In other words, it has been confirmed that the influence of the public opinion through the production and sharing of public opinion on political, social and economic changes is increasing, and this change is already in use on the political campaign. In addition, efforts to grasp and reflect the opinions of the public by utilizing social media are being actively carried out not only in the political area but also in the public area. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of using social media based public opinion in educational policy. We collected media data, analyzed the main topic and probability of occurrence of each topic, and topic trends. As a result, we were able to catch the main interest of the public(the 'Domestic Computer Education Time' accounted for 43.99%, and 'Prime Project Selection' topics was 36.81% and 'Artificial Intelligence Program' topics was 7.94%). In addition, we could get a suggestion that flexible policies should be established according to the timing of the curriculum and the subject of the policy even if the category of the policy is same.

• Safety and Health at Work
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.293-298
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• 2016

Background: The aim of this study was to increase knowledge regarding the dangers associated with tobacco use, and decrease secondhand smoke exposure and tobacco use behaviors with an antitobacco messaging campaign among rural, medically underserved, blue-collar workers. Methods: A quasiexperimental study was conducted with employees at two worksites. One worksite received the intervention, which consisted of nine different antitobacco messages. Baseline and follow-up surveys were conducted at each worksite to assess change in knowledge and behavior; the data were compared across the two worksites. Results: Two hundred twenty-two and 243 participants completed baseline and follow-up surveys at the intervention and comparison sites, respectively. A statistically significant difference was seen over time between the worksites on knowledge of the dangers of tobacco (p < 0.0001); the mean knowledge score increased at the intervention site, but remained unchanged at the comparison site. In general, non-smokers at both worksites appeared to try to decrease exposure to secondhand smoke over the follow-up period. Repeated measures analysis indicated that there were no differences in motivation to quit (p = 0.81), interest in quitting (p = 0.40), thinking about quitting (p = 0.53), or several tobacco-use behaviors over time among smokers at the intervention and comparison worksites. There were slight increases over time in the proportion of smokers who do not allow smoking in their homes/vehicles at the intervention worksite, although not statistically significant. Conclusion: Participants at the intervention worksite increased their knowledge regarding the dangers of tobacco use and secondhand smoke exposure. Among current tobacco users, the intervention appeared to increase family rules regarding secondhand smoke exposure in their homes and vehicles.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.673-684
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• 2009

Lower Prices are offered through sales by telemarketing. This is to serve our customers by the fastest and most appropriate referral product that is most important to attract insurance. Therefore, Considering the time the customer's preferred products and preferred customer for screening and targeting, depending on what is the difference between the premiums. This study of the logistic regression model using datamining techniques, the life insurance companies in outbound telemarketing to support sales of the effect you want to validate. To join existing life insurance companies for the customer response and sales strategy based on the L segment and by age group, family-love insurance, accident insurance, and cancer insurance were in progress for the modeling. Set model based on the progress of the campaign to existing customers marketing methods and how to extract and run the model results has proven the superiority of the model. In addition, over time, depending on the aging model is set to a decline in operating profit to maximize the profits th update the model which was derived.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.55-76
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• 1999

In order to understand the local council members' attitudes to the health policy, we conducted mail surveys using self-administered questionaire for 2 months(February and March. 1995). The study subjects were 2.312 local council members in Korea, but only about 11% among whom. 257 persons, responded to 2 times mail survey. This response rate revealed that the local council members was not interested in health care fields. The main results were as follows; The respondents thought that the economic and income development was most important among 15 regional policy agendas and the health care was the 5th or 7th important agenda. They. who had more health needs of and poor access to health care, tended to think that the health care was more important. They considered lobbying to and persuading the civil servants as the best method to tackle the local health care policy agenda. The respondents, who had poor access to health care facilities. tended to set the highest priority for the expansion of public and private health care resources. They expected that the election of local governor would activate the public health program more than thought that the program was implemented more actively than other region. The main opinion of respondents was that the central government had to take over planning and financing for the public health program, and the basic local government had to implment the program and budgeting. The majority of respondents agreed the private dominant medical care delivery system and nation-wide uniformed financing mechanism. Over 60% of them suggested that they were ready to suffer environmental pollution inducing health hazards for the purpose of regional economic and income development. About 75% of them favour the campaign for antismoking regardless of reducing local government's revenue from sale tax.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.31-38
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• 2018

Leading up to the 2019 presidential election in Indonesia, campaigns have emerged through social media, particularly Twitter, using various hashtags, such as #2019GantiPresiden (2019 Change President) and #TetapJokowi (Always Jokowi). This paper tries to understand the presidential candidates' power map in forming opinions and influencing voter behavior by analyzing Twitter from August 6, 2018 to September 15, 2018, just before the beginning of the official campaign period, by searching for the keyword "pemilihan presiden RI Tahun 2019" (RI presidential election in 2019). According to our NodeXL's analysis, there were 1,650 active Twitter users talking about the 2019 presidential election. The 1,650 Twitter users have formed a communication network of 46,750 relationships formed from messages in the form of tweets, comments, and retweets. Our analysis found that those mentioning "pilihan presiden 2019" form large communication networks around four clusters: one for each of the two candidates (Jokowi and Prabowo) and two for opinion leaders who are undecided about the election (Gus Mus and Mas Piyu). GusMus is a religious leader, as an official of the PBNU Rais Syuriah (an Islamic organization) and has a large following both on and off Twitter. "MasPiyu" is an unidentified Twitter user; he only has a large following on Twitter, but does not have support offline.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.