• 제목/요약/키워드: Primitive

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Temporal-Spatial Location of Dwelling Site in Asan Bay in the Neolithic Age (아산만지역(牙山灣地域) 신석기시대(新石器時代) 집자리의 시공적(時空的) 위치(位置))

  • Koo, Ja Jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.3
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    • pp.26-47
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    • 2009
  • This study examined dwelling site from among the sites of the Neolithic age found in the Asan Bay(牙山灣) area, and the temporal-spatial location and meaning of the dwelling site (settlement). The majority of the settlements in the area are of a square style but some coexist with rectangular-style settlements, which is noteworthy. The dwelling sites of the Neolithic age found in Asan Bay area are mostly located in a ridge of hilly areas, divided into gentle, low areas (20~50 meters above sea level) and relatively high areas (50~80 meters above the sea level). Although location strongly corresponded to the residents' subsistence and the technical levels within the culture, it likely was greatly affected by natural environment where they lived, as well. In examining radiocarbon dating results and the excavated artifacts, the settlements found in Asan Bay were determined to belong to the period II(3,500~3,000 B.C.) stated in the Relative Chronological table of Dwelling sites in the Neolithic age, written by the author. Said Dwelling sites are proven to have a close relationship with those found on the coast of Gyeonggi Province(京畿道) and in the Geum River(錦江) valley. This is deemed to be the result of expansion and interchange between Gyeonggi Province(京畿道) group and Geum River(錦江) valley group, who constituted the large settlements. Additionally, the Daecheon-ri type dwelling sites in the Geum River valley were verified to be the result of exchange, and spread to the Asan Bay area in the same era. Two forms of Dwelling sites coexisted dynamically in the Asan Bay area around 3,500 B.C. Such a phenomenon resulted primarily from the expansion of the dwelling site due to the introduction of primitive agriculture, as well as environmental (temperature), biological and social changes at those times.

A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

A reflection on the education of Confucian classics (유교경전교육(儒敎經典敎育)을 위한 반성적(反省的) 고찰(考察))

  • Chin, Sung-Su
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.25
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    • pp.223-249
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    • 2009
  • This papers focuses on the Confucian classics for the correct orientation of education as a basic task of the Confucian classics will as a necessary whether the need for education, to identify the natural history study will attempt to have. In East Asia means that classics, the classicalization process of looking at Chinese culture, classicalization of review of the cultural meaning. And this papers focuses on the historical evolution of education, and education in China and Korea in the modern world the meaning of the Confucian classics education about and looked at two dilemmas. And outside the scope of Confucian five ethical thoughts as main moral to find new values and new interpretations about the legitimacy and philosophical thinking of the meaning of the Confucian classics Education. In addition, the development of educational content to the new Confucian classics on the subject of three applies to the existing approach and to propose a new type of comparison?Review. As primitive Confucian classics is not determined by a priori, the modern understanding of the Confucian classics also thorough review process of reflection and understanding the new system will have to be reconfigured. Furthermore, in the richness of modern society as the training methods as well as the development of relevant content for the modern society that values education's development is a very important issue. In this respect, should not be overlooked here is not about education, the effect of Confucian classics is concerned about the review. To this, first of all the Confucian classics need education about the content and strict screening operation. In addition, the ability to function in modern society, modern reinterpreted and the need to find a new educational element is. Because we did not give a realistic benefits and future view and any history or civilization, is always disappear in history. This series of problems will be a reason of require that philosophical thinking of Confucian classics education.

Initial Evaluation using Geochemical Data to infer Tectonic Setting of Mt. Baekdu/Changbaishan Volcano (백두산 화산의 지체구조 추론을 위한 지구화학적 데이터를 이용한 기초 평가)

  • Yun, Sung-Hyo;Chang, Cheolwoo;Pan, Bo
    • Journal of the Korean earth science society
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.128-139
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    • 2022
  • This study aimed to investigate the tectonic setting of the volcanic edifice at Mt. Baekdu by analyzing petrochemical characteristics of Holocene felsic volcanic rocks distributed in the Baekdusan stratovolcano edifice and summit of the Cheonji caldera rim, as well as Pleistocene mafic rocks of the Gaema lava plateau and Changbaishan shield volcano edifice. During the early eruption phases, mafic eruption materials, with composition ranging from alkali basalt to trachybasalt, or from subalkaline (tholeiitic) basalt to basaltic andesite formed the Gaema lava plateau and Changbaishan shield volcanic edifice, whereas the Baekdusan stratovolcano edifice and Holocene tephra deposits near the summit of the Cheonji caldera comprises trachytic and rhyolitic compositions. Analysis results revealed bimodal compositions with a lack of 54-62 SiO2, between the felsic and mafic volcanic rocks. This suggested that magmatic processes occurred at the locations of extensional tectonic settings in the crust. Mafic volcanic rocks were plotted in the field of within-plate volcanic zones or between within-plate alkaline and tholeiite zones on the tectonic discrimination diagram, and it was in good agreement with the results of the TAS diagram. Felsic volcanic rocks were plotted in the field of within-plate granite tectonic settings on discrimination diagrams of granitic rocks. None of the results were plotted in the field of arc islands or continental margin arcs. The primitive mantle-normalized spider diagram did not show negative (-) anomalies of Nb and Ti, which are distinctive characteristics of subduction-related volcanic rocks, but exhibited similar patterns of ocean island basalt. Trace element compositions showed no evidence of, magmatic processes related to subduction zones, indicating that the magmatic processes forming the Baekdusan volcanic field occurred in an intraplate environment. The distribution of shallow earthquakes in this region supports the results. The volcanic rocks of the Baekdusan volcanic field are interpreted as the result of intraplate volcanism originating from the upwelling of mantle material during the Cenozoic era.

On the present bamboo groves of Cholla-nam-do and their proper treatment -No. 1. On the growing stock of reprsentative phyllostachys reticulata grove by county (전라남도(全羅南道)의 죽림현황(竹林現況)과 그 개선대책(改善對策) -제일(第一), 각군별대표고죽림(各郡別代表苦竹林)의 몇가지 죽간형질(竹桿形質)과 축적(蓄積)에 대하여)

  • Chung, Dong Oh
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.19-28
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    • 1962
  • Total area of bamboo groves in Korea which is limited to $37^{\circ}$ north latitude, i.e., to southern part of Chungchung-nam-do Province and Kangwon-do Province, is 3,235ha., but this country must import about 3,000 metric ton's bamboo culms from Japan every year. It may be true that the country is not so fit for economical cultivation of bamboo groves from the view point of climatic condition, but the author believes that self-sufficiency in bamboo is not impossible if some scientific method for improving bamboo groves is introduced to our primitive groves. Keeping this point in his mind the auther tried to study on the bamboo groves in the country, and as the first step set about to investigate the actual state of twenty good bamboo groves located in Cholla-nam-do Province from March, 1961 to January, 1962. This is a report on some characters of bamboo culms and growing stock with samples collected in the present investigation. 1) Numbers of bamboo culm per 0.1ha. are 1,183 in average, 1,840 in maximum and 87.5 in minimum before harvesting. 2) According to owners' saying, 1960 was such an off-year that they could hardly see any yearling bamboos in groves, but in 1961 very many new bamboos are produced as follows: the proportion of the number of yearling bamboos produced this year to that of mature bamboos (over 2 years old) is 58.7% in average; the highest 110.5% and the lowest 16.8%. 3) the average diameter of culms at eye height is 6.5cm, but the biggest diameter comes to 11.2 cm, and the average diameters of yearling and mature bamboos are 6.5cm and 6.6cm respectively. 4) Internode length records 29.4 cm in average, the shortest 21.3 cm and the longest 38.4 cm. Average internode lengths of new culms and mature culms are 27.6 cm and 29.4 cm respectively. This shows that the internode length of new culms is in the decrease to that of maturer's. 5) Through this investigation, it was found that internode length is in the influence of the exposure and density of bamboo groves, i. e., the more the dencity of bamboo groves is and the more the exposure nears the north-east, the longer the internode length becomes (see Table 7 and 8). 6) In the growing stock of bamboo groves, bundles per 0.1ha. amount to 271 sok (unit of bundle) in total average, 445 sok in maximum and 126 sok in minimum. 7) Among twenty typical bamboo groves, chosen in each County in Cholla-nam-do Province, only one passes perfectly by Veda's standard rule* prescribing the good bamboo grove, but the eight groves shown in Table 9 could be recommended as good ones in Cholla-nam-do Province, because the auther believes that those groves may be improved better, if we pay more attention to the management of them. 8) Considering that they have managed their groves carelessly and primitively, and that unfortunately their groves must have faced almost on clear felling over the entire area at the time of the Korean War, we can surely expect much more increments in bamboo groves, if we introduce some scientific methods in managing their groves.

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An Ultrastructural Study on the Development of the Knee Joint in the Human Fetus (인태아 슬관절 발육에 관한 전자현미경적 연구)

  • Kim, Baik-Yoon;Joo, Ki-Jung;Nam, Kwang-Il;Yoon, Jae-Rhyong
    • Applied Microscopy
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.213-232
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    • 2000
  • The development of the knee joint was studied by electron microscopy in human fetuses ranging from 20 mm to 260 mm crown-rump length ($7\sim30$ weeks of gestational age). The appearance of the primordium of the meniscus and cruciate ligament was conspicuous as the mesenchymal cells , preceeding that of joint space at 30 mm fetus. The primitive joint cavity was first seen in the interzone from the 40 mm fetus and its intermediate layer proceeded developing as a narrow cleft which was closely incorporated with two chondrogenic layers. Poorly differentiated mesenchymal cells of the meniscus at 40 mm fetus containing predominantly free ribosomes differentiated into fibroblasts at 60 mm fetus. By 100 mm fetus, the fibroblast in inner zone of the meniscus presented as oval profiles with a short cell processes, whereas middle and peripheral zones presented as elongated cells. Differentiation of the synovial membrane coincided with clarification of the joint cavity When dilatation of the synovial cavity occurred, the two types of synovial cells were identified at 60 mm fetus. By 100 mm fetus a majority of the intimal cells were B-type. B-type cells were clearly distinguishable from A-type cells by their content of extensive rough endoplasmic reticula and well developed Golgi complexes. In contrast, A-type cells had numerous filopodia, pinocytotic vesicles, lysosomes and large vacuoles. At 260 mm fetus the B-type cells were also a majority of intimal cells. At 260 mm fetus the inner zone of the meniscus was filled with parallel oriented fascicles of collagenous fibers and oval fibroblasts. The middle zone was constituted of parallel and radially arranged fibers and fibroblasts. The outer zone was populated by elongated fibroblasts encircled by crossed collagenous fibers with the blood vessels. At 30 mm fetus the fibroblasts of the cruciate ligament contained rough endoplasmic reticula and mitochondria. Collagen fibrils were noted within narrow cytoplasmic processes which were continued with the extracellular space. Collagen fibrils of ligament were filled in the bulk of extracellular space at 100 mm fetus. By $150\sim260mm$ fetus, the cruciate ligaments were constituted of longitudinally oriented bundle of collagen fibrils with irregular rows of round cells between.

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An Analysis of Morphological Variation in Abies koreana Wilson and A. nephrolepis (Traut.) Maxim. of Korea (Pinaceae) and Their Phylogenetic Problems (한국산(韓國産) 분비나무와 구상나무의 형질분석(形質分析)과 종간유연관계(種間類緣關係))

  • Chang, Chin-Sung;Jeon, Jeong Ill;Hyun, Jung Oh
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.86 no.3
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    • pp.378-390
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    • 1997
  • Ten total populations of Korean fir (Abies koreana Wilson) and Manshurian fir [A. nephrolepis (Traut.) Maxim.] were sampled from south Korea to investigate patterns of intraspecific variation in these species and to evaluate a recognition of the two species. Principal components analysis and cluster analysis were performed both on seed-cone data and on needle morphology data. The characters that contributed most to the separation between A. koreana and A. nephrolepis along three principal components axis were leaf width, length of seed, width of seed wing, length of seed wing, cone width, width of scale, and length of bract tip, but these characters were not diagnostic because of overlap in reality. Therefore, all these characters were not reliable in distinguishing these two taxa including bract position (exerted and recurved vs. exerted and straight). The individuals of A. koreana from Mt. Chi-ri appeared quite unique probably on account of its larger cone size and longer scale tip, while those from Mt. Hal-la of A. koreana were generally distinct from others in terms of their larger seed and seed wing and longer scale width. The Mt. Duk-yu specimens of A. korecana appeared somewhat smaller but more data were needed due to the small sampling size. Generally, the gradual clinal geographic trends made evident by the position of resin ducts in leaves of A. koreana can be detected. The southern populations, Mt. Hal-la (an insular population) were generally distinct from the northern populations (Mt. Chi-ri, Mt. Ga-ya and Mt. Duk-yu) in terms of their position of resin duct (medial, within mesophyll vs marginal, close to epidermis : 100% vs 75 or 50%). Although no sharp boundary separating these two species could be detected based on cone and needle morphology, the observed clinal pattern was distinct in northern populations of A. koreana and southern population of A. nephrnlepis. In a preceding study of the flavonoids variation of 20 species in eastern Asia, flavanone (5-deoxyflavanone) was found to be characteristic of A. faxoniana Rehder et Wilson, A. georgei Orr of China and A. koreana of Korea. A. faxoniana, which is assumed to be primitive species, has position of resin duct relative to both the medial and the marginal, while A. georgei and A. koreana are identified by marginal position of resin duct. With respect of foliar flavonoids chemistry, A. koreana was distinct from A. nephrolepis : the southmost samples (Mt. Hal-la and Mt. Chi-ri) contained additional flavonoids derivatives (mainly flavanone) that were not found in the northmost samples of A. nephrolepis except a few individuals from Mts. Seo-rak and Tae-bak populations of Kwang-won province. The presence of A. koreana type flavonoids in two Chinese species suggested that position of resin duct may be a phyletic character. Abies koreana including two Chinese taxa, exhibited the most elaborate and specialized flavonoids profile within the Abies in eastern Asia. Contrary to our initial expectations, the apparent intermediates between A. nephrolepis and A. koreana in Duk-yu and Ga-ya mountains were found. The pattern of variation on position of resin duct and flavonoids chemistry in these populations of A. kareana suggested that genetic interchange or natural hybridization had occurred between these two species. The evidence needed to resolve the status of this taxon is still inconclusive in our opinion until intermediate individuals from Mts. Duk-yu and Ga-ya show indication of hybridization between the two species.

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A Study on Plant Symbolism Expressed in Korean Sokwha (Folk Painting) (한국 속화(俗畵)(민화(民畵))에 표현된 식물의 상징성에 관한 연구)

  • Gil, Geum-Sun;Kim, Jae-Sik
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.81-89
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    • 2011
  • The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study on the Meaning and Cultural Properties Value of Rock-Go-Board from the Viewpoint of Site and Location Characteristics (입지와 장소 특성으로 본 암각바둑판의 의미와 문화재적 가치)

  • Park, Joo Sung;Rho, Jae Hyun;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.172-205
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    • 2011
  • Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.