• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.73-83
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• 2013

Effective policy coordination is necessary function for successful policy implementation. Korean government, for effective policy coordination, had developed the policy coordination system in the Prime Minister's Office. The Prime Minister's Office had successfully implemented policy coordination tasks during 35 years. The Prime Minister's Office had systemized policy coordination institutions and developed organizational capacity for effective coordination, and utilized various strategies, such as power, persuasion, and technical strategy. Based on the system, capacity, and various strategies, ]the Prime Minister's Office had achieved 90% of the asked policy conflict problems and completed 85% of coordination tasks within 6 months. The purpose of this study is for reviewing the performance of successful coordination of Prime Minister's Office and searching for some implications. For the study, the author analyzed the 429 policy conflict problems which had been recorded in 8 Policy Coordination White Papers.

• Proceedings of the Korean Nutrition Society Conference
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• 1989.12a
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• pp.332-334
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• 1989

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.241-281
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• 2013

First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.405-415
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• 2016

According to Article 82 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, the Prime Minister and the members of the State Council should countersign to assist the President's legal behavior. It has important implications to the members of the State Council for sharing responsibilities with the President. However, the 'related' State Councilor's countersignature by the Minister of Interior(MOI) for non-State member agencies have been operating as a ritual, since the Government Organization Act describes that non-specific affairs belongs to the MOI in accordance with Article 34, paragraph 2. This paper is to promote the department standard operating by the Presidential Decree. Its main idea is to categorize non-State Councilor agencies with most closely related to members of the State Council. I suggest to make a portfolio such as Australian Federal Government in Korea. It can be made easily in accordance with each agency's rights and responsibilities written in the Acts. That's the turning point to improve effectiveness of the related State councilor's countersignature by the constitution to the President's legal activity joint accountability with the Prime Minister.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.11-22
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• 2008

The prime minister(樞密相公) Choi jongjun writes"Eouichwaryobang(御醫撮要方)"A.D. 1226 that is a Goryeo Period (A.D.$918{\sim}1392$). But today that has vanished, now. Inspite of the important worth of that book in Korea Traditional Medicine, there is no study about writer. So I research all the historical source about him. And I confront a historical source with the era for making a chronological table of Choi jongjun. I beliebe this survey make a great contribution towards the historical research of KTM. Now to conclude, In A.D. 1226, Choi Jongjun was Jung chuwonbusa(中樞院副使) or Chumseowonsa(簽書院事).

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.32-39
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• 2017

The ideology of space development can be classified into three types: national security, scientific inquiry, and commercialism. Korea and Japan have influenced the space development innovation system by different proportions. In the rhetoric analysis of Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung, Roh Moo Hyun, and President Lee Myung Bak, the periods when Korea's space development began in earnest, the pragmatism (commercialism) of strengthening industrial competitiveness through space development has been consistently emphasized. But it also maintains national security and scientific inquiry as ancillary.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• STI Policy Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.96-112
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• 2013

The need for designing and implementing integrated policy was further emphasized in tandem with the increase in interest concerning policy coordination and interactions. An active discussion is taking place in the field of innovation policy concerning "integrated innovation policy," which considers innovation along with financial, regional development, social, and environmental policies together in a holistic manner. In Korea since the beginning of the 2000s, there were many attempts at implementing integrated innovation policy through the restructuring of the overall S&T administration system. For the purposes of taking an integrated approach to S&T policies as well as to S&T-related human resources, industrial, and regional development policies, the Roh Administration (February 2003~February 2008) elevated the S&T Minister to the level of Deputy Prime Minister as well as launching the Office of Science, Technology, and Innovation (OSTI) (October 2004 ~ February 2008) under the Ministry of Science and Technology. This study investigates the policy coordination activities of the OSTI from the perspective of policy integration. It deals with the background of the OSTI, its roles and responsibilities, the coordination process, and its achievements and limitations while discussing the important implications for developing effective policy measures with the hope of contributing to the development of theories of integrated innovation policy.