• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2022

Florence is the cradle of the Italian Renaissance. It is the result of a combination of medieval humanists' exploration of ancient Greek and Roman knowledge and culture, the leadership of great monarchs and priests, patronage of the Medici family, etc., free-thinking and creativity of artists, and critical consciousness and cultural needs of citizens. However, the Florentine Renaissance could not have blossomed unless the Medici family had collected ancient manuscripts and translations, and built libraries to preserve and provide literature. Based on this logical basis, this study outlined the Florentine renaissance and historic libraries, analyzed the collection and composition of favorite books of the Medici family, and traced the architectural characteristics and metaphors of the Medici libraries, The San Marco Library (Michelozzo Library), Library of Badia Fiesolana, and the San Lorenzo Library (Laurentian Library) were the priming and birthplace of the Florentine Renaissance despite of many difficulties, including earthquake, fire, restoration, transfer, seizure, and closure. In particular, the San Marco Library, which was opened in 1444 based on the financial support of Cosimo de' Medici, Michelozzo's design, and Niccoli's private collections was the first common library in the Renaissance period. And the architectural highlight of the Laurentian Library, which opened in 1571 under the leadership of Giulio (Papa Clemente VII), is Michelangelo's staircase, which symbolizes 'from ignorance to wisdom', and the real value of the content is the ancient manuscripts and early printed books, which were collected by the humanist Niccoli and the Medici family. In short, when discussing the Florentine Renaissance, Medici's collection and historic libraries are very important points. The reason is that the ancient collections were not stuffed products, but syntactic semiotics, and the libraries are telescopes that view the history of human knowledge and culture and microscopes that create knowledge and wisdom. If records dominate memories, libraries accumulate records. Therefore, long breathing and time capsule strategies are also required for the development and preservation of retroactive books in domestic libraries with a relatively long history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.257-284
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• 2020

Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.17-33
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• 2024

This study suggests management planning of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park located on the central of Chuncheon city and highly used for citizen's rest and leisure space utilizing its vegetation structure feature. Bonguisan has been the central of the chuncheon since the period of the Three states in Korean history and consistently damaged, especially in present era, an isolation and sererance of its ecosystem has deepen for indiscreet urban development. The percentage of actual vegetation of Boinguisan Neighborhood Park is as follows: Quercus mongolica is 28.5%, Quercus mongolica - Quercus serrata is 2.1%, Pinus densiflora is 15.6%, Pinus densiflora - Quercus mongolica is 15.9%, Betula schmidtii is 1.6%, Robinia pseudoacacia is 5.9%, Pinus koraiensis is 1.6%. Quercus mongolica is distributed on the southwest, northwest, southeast side of region, Pinus densiflora is distributed on the ridge of east and southeast side of region, Betula schmidtii is distributed on the valley of northeast side region and steep slope region which is on the north side of chungwonsa temple. Pinus densiflora community (Comm. I) and Quercus acutissima - Robinia pseudoacacia community (Comm. V) is expected to undergo succession since it's categorized as Quercus spp. and Quercus mongolica community (Comm. II) and Quercus serrata-Quercus mongolica community (Comm. III), Betula schmidtii community (Comm. IV), Pinus koraiensis community (Comm. VI) is expected to maintain. Also for target vegetation and management planning, Vegetation of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park is classified as 1st Natural landscape conservation and improvement type, 2nd Ecological succession type, 3rd Unusual community conservation type, and 4th Recreation and experience type. And we suggested ecological management measure about each management types. For efficient management of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park, it is need to unify management system of it and after designating Pinus densiflora community and Betula schmidtii community which has high ecological preservation value as an ecological landscape protected area and manage it.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.80
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• pp.43-88
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• 2024

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is a relatively quiet latecomer to the traditional archives of the Western world. Although the United States lacks a long history of organized public records·archives management, it has developed a modern system optimized for the American historical context. This system focuses on the systematic management and preservation of the vast amount of modern records produced and collected during the tumultuous 20th century. As a result, NARA has established a modern archival system that is optimized for the American historical context. The U.S. public records·archives management system is based on the principle that records·archives are the property of the American people and belong to the public. This concept originated during the British colonial era when records were used to safeguard the rights of the colonies as self-governing citizens. For Americans, records and archives have long been a symbol of the nation's identity, serving as a means of protecting individual freedoms, rights, and democracy throughout the country's history. It is natural, therefore, that American life and history should be documented, and that the recorded past should be managed and preserved for the nation's present and future. The public records·archives management system in the United States is the result of a convergence of theories, practices, lessons learned, and ideas that have been shaped by the country's history, philosophies, and values about records, and its unique experience with records management. This paper traces the origins of records and archives in the United States in a historical context to understand the organic relationship between American life and records. It examines the process of forming a modern public records management system that is both uniquely American and universal to the American context without falling into the two forms of traditions that reflect the uniqueness of American history.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.153-170
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• 1970

1. Isolation and identification of amylase-producing bacteria. The powerful strain A-12 and S-8 were respectively isolated from air and soil after screening a large number of amylase-producing bacteria. Their bacterial characteristics have been investigated and it has been found that all characteristics of strain A-12 and S-8 are similar to Bac. subtilis of Bergey's manual except for the acid formation from a few carbohydrates and the citrate utilization, i.e., the strain A-12 shows negative in the citrate utilization, and the acid formation from arabinose and xylose, S-8 shows negative in the acid formation from xylose. 2. Amylase production by Liquid cultures with solid materials. Several conditions for amylase production by strain A-12 in stationary cultures have been studied. The results obtained are as follows. (1) The optimum conditions are:temperature $35^{\circ}C$, initial pH 6.5 to 7.0 and incubation time 3 to 4 days. (2) The amylase production is not affected by the preservation period of the stock cultures. (3) Among the various solid material, the defatted soy bean is found to be the best for t1e amylase production. However, the alkali treatment of the defatted soy bean gives no effect contrary to the cage of defatted rape seed. The addition of soluble starch to the alkali extract of defatted soy bean shows the increased amylase production. (4) Up to 1% addition of ethanol to carbon dificient media gives the improved amylase production, whereas the above effect is not found in the case of carbon rich media. (5) The amylase production can be increased 2.5 times when 10% of defatted soy bean is admixed to cheaply available wheat bran. (6) The excellent effect is found for amylase production when 20% of wheat bran is admixed to defatted dry milk which is a poor medium. The activity is found to be $D^{40^{\circ}}_{30'}$ 7,000(L.S.V. 1,800) in 10% medium. (7) No significant effect is observed due to the addition of various inorganic salts. 3. Amylase production by solid cultures. Several conditions for amylase production by strain A-12 in wheat bran cultures have been studied and the results obtained are as follows. (1) The optimum conditions: are temperature $33^{\circ}C$, incubation lime 2 days, water content added 150 to 175% and the thickness of the medium 1.5cm, The activity is found to be $D^{40^{\circ}}_{30'}$ 36,000(L.S.V. 15,000) (2) No significant effect is found in the case of the additions of various organic and inorganic substances.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.224-236
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• 1999

Background: To evaluate the short-term effect of dynamic cardiomyoplasty on circulatory function and detect the related factors that can affect it, experimental cardiomyoplasties were performed under the state of normal cardiac function and heart failure. Material and Method: A total of 10 mongrel dogs weighing 20 to 30kg were divided arbitrarily into two groups. Five dogs of group A underwent cardiomyoplasty with latissimus dorsi(LD) muscle mobilization followed by a 2-week vascular delay and 6-week muscle training. Then, hemodynamic studies were conducted. In group B, doxorubicin was given to 5 dogs in an IV dose of 1 mg/kg once a week for 8 weeks to induce chronic heart failure, and simultaneous muscle training was given for preconditioning during this period. Then, cardiomyoplasties were performed and hemodynamic studies were conducted immediately after these cardiomyoplasties in group B. Result: In group A, under the state of normal cardiac function, only mean right atrial pressure significantly increased with the pacer-on(p<0.05) and the left ventricular hemodynamic parameters did not change significantly. However, with pacer-on in group B, cardiac output(CO), rate of left ventricular pressure development(dp/dt), stroke volume(SV), and left ventricular stroke work(SW) increased by 16.7${\pm}$7.2%, 9.3${\pm}$3.2%, 16.8${\pm}$8.6%, and 23.1${\pm}$9.7%, respectively, whereas left ventricular end-diastole pressure(LVEDP) and mean pulmonary capillary wedge pressure(mPCWP) decreased by 32.1${\pm}$4.6% and 17.7${\pm}$9.1%, respectively(p<0.05). In group A, imipramine was infused at the rate of 7.5mg/kg/hour for 34${\pm}$2.6 minutes to induce acute heart failure, which resulted in the reduction of cardiac output by 17.5${\pm}$2.7%, systolic left ventricular pressure by 15.8${\pm}$2.5% and the elevation of left ventricular end-diastole pressure by 54.3${\pm}$15.2%(p<0.05). With pacer-on under this state of acute heart failu e, CO, dp/dt, SV, and SW increased by 4.5${\pm}$1.8% and 3.1${\pm}$1.1%, 5.7${\pm}$3.6%, and 6.9${\pm}$4.4%, respectively, whereas LVEDP decreased by 11.7${\pm}$4.7%(p<0.05). Comparing CO, dp/dt, SV, SW and LVEDP that changed significantly with pacer-on, both under the state of acute and chronic heart failure, augmentation widths of these left ventricular hemodynamic parameters were significantly larger under the state of chronic heart failure(group B) than acute heart failure(group A)(p<0.05). On gross inspection, variable degrees of adhesion and inflammation were present in all 5 dogs of group A, including 2 dogs that showed no muscle contraction. No adhesion and inflammation were, however, present in all 5 dogs of group B, which showed vivid muscle contractions. Considering these differences in gross findings along with the following premise that the acute heart failure state was not statistically different from the chronic one in terms of left ventricular parameters(p>0.05), the larger augmentation effect seen in group B is presumed to be mainly attributed to the viability and contractility of the LD muscle. Conclusion: These results indicate that the positive circulatory augmentation effect of cardiomyoplasty is apparent only under the state of heart failure and the preservation of muscle contractility is important to maximize this effect.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.389-398
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• 1998

Purpose : To evaluate the role of conventional postoperative adjuvant radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma and to determine favorable prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and Methods : From Sep. 1985 to Mar. 1997, the number of eligible patients who received postoperative radiotherapy completely was 69. They ranged in age from 7 to 66 years (median, 47). Forty-two (61$\%$) patients were glioblastoma multiforme and the other 27 (39$\%$) were anaplastic astrocytoma. Twenty patients (29$\%$) had Karnofsky score equal or more than 80 preoperatively. Forty-three patients (62$\%$) had symptom duration equal or less than 3 months. Twenty-four patients (35$\%$) had gross total resection and forty patients(58$\%$) had partial resection, the remaining five patients (7$\%$) had biopsy only. Radiotherapy dose ranged from 50.4 Gy to 61.2 Gy (median, 55.8; mode, 59.4) with fraction size of 1 8 Gy-2.0 Gy for 33-83 days(median, 48) except three patients delivered 33, 36, 39 Gr, respectively with fraction size of 3.0 Gy due to poor postoperative performance status. Follow-up rate was 93$\%$ and median follow-up period was 14 months. Results : Overall survival rate at 2 and 3 years and median survival were 38$\%$, 20$\%$, and 16 months for entire patients; 67$\%$, 44$\%$, and 34 months for anaplastic astrocytoma; 18$\%$, 4$\%$, and 14 months for glioblastoma multiforme, respectively (p=0.0001). According to the extent of surgery, 3-year overall survival for gross total resection, partial resection, and biopsy only was 38$\%$, 11$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.02) The 3-year overall survival rates for patients age 40>, 40-59, and 60< were 52$\%$, 8$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.0007). For the variate of performance score 80< vs 80>, the 3-year survival rates were 53$\%$ and 9$\%$, respectively (p=0.008). On multivariate analysis including covariates of three surgical and age subgroups as above, pathology, extent of surgery and age were significant prognostic factors affecting overall survival. On another multivariate analysis with covariates of two surgical (total resection vs others) and two a9e (50> vs 50<) subgroups, then, pathology, extent of surgery and performance status were significant factors instead of age and 3-year cumulative survival rate for the five patients with these three favorable factors was 100$\%$ without serious sequela. Conclusion : We confirmed the role of postoperative conventional radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma by improving survival as compared with historical data of surgery only. Patients with anaplastic astrocytoma, good performance score, gross total resection and/or young age survived longest. Maximum surgical resection with acceptable preservation of neurologic function should be attempted in glioblastoma patients, especially in younger patients. But the survival of most globlastoma patients without favorable factors is still poor, so other active adjuvant treatment modalities should be tried or added rather than conventional radiation treatment alone in this subgroup.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.351-378
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• 2006

With the development of media, the methods for the documentation of intangible cultural heritage have been also developed and diversified. As well as the previous analogue ways of documentation, the have been recently applying new multi-media technologies focusing on digital pictures, sound sources, movies, etc. Among the new technologies, the documentation of intangible cultural heritage using the method of 'Motion Capture' has proved itself prominent especially in the fields that require three-dimensional documentation such as dances and performances. Motion Capture refers to the documentation technology which records the signals of the time varing positions derived from the sensors equipped on the surface of an object. It converts the signals from the sensors into digital data which can be plotted as points on the virtual coordinates of the computer and records the movement of the points during a certain period of time, as the object moves. It produces scientific data for the preservation of intangible cultural heritage, by displaying digital data which represents the virtual motion of a holder of an intangible cultural heritage. National Research Institute of Cultural Properties (NRICP) has been working on for the development of new documentation method for the Important Intangible Cultural Heritage designated by Korean government. This is to be done using 'motion capture' equipments which are also widely used for the computer graphics in movie or game industries. This project is designed to apply the motion capture technology for 3 years- from 2005 to 2007 - for 11 performances from 7 traditional dances of which body gestures have considerable values among the Important Intangible Cultural Heritage performances. This is to be supported by lottery funds. In 2005, the first year of the project, accumulated were data of single dances, such as Seungmu (monk's dance), Salpuri(a solo dance for spiritual cleansing dance), Taepyeongmu (dance of peace), which are relatively easy in terms of performing skills. In 2006, group dances, such as Jinju Geommu (Jinju sword dance), Seungjeonmu (dance for victory), Cheoyongmu (dance of Lord Cheoyong), etc., will be documented. In the last year of the project, 2007, education programme for comparative studies, analysis and transmission of intangible cultural heritage and three-dimensional contents for public service will be devised, based on the accumulated data, as well as the documentation of Hakyeonhwadae Habseolmu (crane dance combined with the lotus blossom dance). By describing the processes and results of motion capture documentation of Salpuri dance (Lee Mae-bang), Taepyeongmu (Kang seon-young) and Seungmu (Lee Mae-bang, Lee Ae-ju and Jung Jae-man) conducted in 2005, this report introduces a new approach for the documentation of intangible cultural heritage. During the first year of the project, two questions have been raised. First, how can we capture motions of a holder (dancer) without cutoffs during quite a long performance? After many times of tests, the motion capture system proved itself stable with continuous results. Second, how can we reproduce the accurate motion without the re-targeting process? The project re-created the most accurate motion of the dancer's gestures, applying the new technology to drew out the shape of the dancers's body digital data before the motion capture process for the first time in Korea. The accurate three-dimensional body models for four holders obtained by the body scanning enhanced the accuracy of the motion capture of the dance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.