• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.12-31
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• 2016

Gangwon Provincial Office, which is Historical Landmark No. 439, existed from 1395 to 1895. It played a significant role of provincial administration. Gangwon Provincial Office was rebuilt in the $17^{th}$ Century when governors' additional job system began. It had 50 buildings and 670 sections. During the Japanese colonial era and the Korean War, most of the buildings were demolished, and in 2005 partially restored. Currently, after the old Wonju City Post Office was demolished, the back garden facilities of the Provincial Office are being restored. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was completely destroyed when the Japanese army base at Wonju made it a playing field during the Japanese colonial era. After demolishing the old post office in the back garden, excavation and investigation were made. A pond and building relics were found, but they were too damaged to be restored. However, this thesis found that there were Bongraekak, Yeongjusa(Kwanpungkak), Cheyako, Joojeong Rainbow Bridge after studying literature and paintings. There were also Hwansunjeong and Bangjangdae outside the pond. The names of the back garden and how they were made are related to hsien. In the pond, they made 3 islands signifying Mt. Samshin(immortal world) in the legend and built pavilions on that. The pavilions of the back garden were named Bongrae, Yeongju, and Bangjang, and the titles of other pavilions also had the names of hsien. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was made like an immortal world, befitting its role of governing Mt. Bongrae(Mt. Geumgang.) The governors of Gangwon Province often went to the back garden and enjoyed becoming a hsien. They regarded themselves as the owners of Bongrae, i.e., the immortal world. Gangwon Provincial Office has a unique historical significance because it implemented an immortal world, making use of the characteristic of Gangwon Province.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.27-61
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• 2022

Documentation related to Mugeuk-do (Limitless Dao) is rare in comparison to other Korean new religions given that it has been open to the public and translated since the 1970s. Due to its rarity, the documentation has been used uncritically, without there being any comparative study or historical research. It is undeniable that distortions and fallacies are embedded in these documents, and this has resulted in quite a few problems in precisely understanding Mugeuk-do and Daesoon Jinrihoe (The Fellowship of Daesoon Truth), an order that has inherited the legacy of Mugeuk-do. In this regard, this study aims to critically define the characteristics and limitations of the major documents related to Mugeuk-do that were published by the colonial government in the 1920s~1930s and recorded by multiple orders in the 1970s-1980s through comparisons. An attempt to conduct this research allows for the discovery of a solution to the problem of uncritical usage of those materials. The documents produced by the colonial government that can be used as basic texts to study Mugeuk-do are The General Conditions of the Religion Mugeuk-do (無極大道敎槪況) and Unofficial Religions of the Korea (朝鮮の類似宗敎). These can be found through bibliography, comparison, and historical research. Chapters 6, 7, and 8 of The General Conditions of the Religion Mugeuk-do are a possible source on the order that reflects the circumstances of Mugeuk-do until 1925. In the case of Unofficial Religions of the Korea, if the descriptive perspective on unofficial religions is excluded, the articles written about the circumstances post 1925 have credibility. Another document that describes multiple orders and can be used as a basic text is chapter 2 of 'Progress of the Order' in Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture. This is because its record precisely reflects the conditions of the era, with regard to the fact that it is the freest from distortions caused by changes in the belief system and it is less biased towards certain sects or denominations. Furthermore, the collection period of the articles is the earliest. Accordingly, as basic texts, Chapters 6, 7, and 8 of The General Conditions of the Religion Mugeuk-do and the articles from Unofficial Religions of the Korea after 1925, as well as chapter 2 of 'Progress of the Order' in The Canonical Scripture are appropriate for studying Mugeuk-do. In addition, Overview of Bocheonism, History of Jeungsan-gyo, and The True Scripture of the Great Ultimate can be utilized as references after removing distortions and fallacies through comparative study. Henceforth, relevant documents should be utilized to establish comprehensive data on Mugeuk-do through comparative and historical research.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.35-49
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• 2007

This study analyzed on the developmental process of forest policy direction in Korea and present status of forest desolation in North Korea of the pre and post division of the Korean peninsular with historical point of view and indicates future tasks to take. Forests in Korea were destroyed in the early of 1900s while Korean peninsular was under Japanese colonial rule. In 1945, Korea was divided into two parts, which developed its own forest policy under the different political system. South Korea was at Korean war in 1950 and accomplished the greening movement from 1970s to 1980s. After 1990s, the country has aimed to sustainable forest management. North Korea has focused on forestation until 1960. However, the result has been doubtful with North Korean economic depression, and these days North Korea faces forest desolation due to failures of forest management. Therefore, necessary is that recovery measures for forest desolation in North Korea, cooperation and interchange between North and South Korea and plans of forest management in case of unification.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.85-107
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• 2016

Cho Ji-hoon was a leading figure on the discussion of recognition on Han Yong-un, particularly the post-liberation period. During the Japanese colonial era, he addressed Han Yong-un as the representative of national poet, and evaluated Han's poems as the models of rebellious nationalistic poetry. Such evaluation by Cho set the precedent of basic perspectives and methodologies on how to recognize Han Yong-un in the present day. This paper analyzes three studies on Han Yong-un, conducted by Cho ji-hoon. We also examine how Cho created his logic of recognizing Han as a national poet, and his poems as nationalistic poetry. Accordingly, this paper has separated recognitions on poet studies and work studies, and further explored how each recognition has consistency with Cho ji-hoon's historical and literary perception. As a result, the following has been concluded: the basis of Cho ji-hoon's recognition on the life and works of Han Yong-un was premised on Cho's understanding of the world from a standpoint of history of ideas, the concept of nation was regarded as an absolute value that binds disparate ideas together, and the combination of nationalism and poetry has been expressed through the logic of nationalistic poetry and the notion which equalizes the poet to a classical scholar. It was further concluded that such equalizing logic contains some logical contradictions derived from integration between universal rights and national sovereignty, and nation and Buddhism. Therefore, it can be said that other possible interpretations on the role of a poet were not fully discussed, but remain bounded. Last but not the least, this paper critically tries to perceive Cho's recognition on Han Yong-un, and accentuates the necessity of new interpretations of Han's poems, apart from those based on nationalism.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.79-120
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to illuminate the implication of feminist oral history from a postcolonial feminist perspective as critically reexamining the relationship between hearer and speaker, representer and narrator, the said and the unsaid, and secrecy and silence. Based upon oral (life) history of a U.S. military prostitute (yanggongju), I tried to show the experiences of a historically-excluded and marginalized 'Other,' and then critically reevaluate the meaning of encountering 'Other', not just through the research process but also in the post/colonial society in Korea. The narrative of an old woman in the "kijichon" (a formal prostitute in U.S. military base) shows how woman has navigated the boundaries between inevitability/coincidence, the enforced/the voluntary, prostitution/intimacy, and military prostitute/military bride while continually negotiating as well as having conflict with various myths and ideologies of the 'normative woman,' 'nationhood,' and 'normal family.' In addition, her narrative which causes the rupture of our own stereotypical images of a military prostitute not only proves the possibility of reconstructing the self-identity of a subaltern woman, but also redirects the research focus from the research object to the research subject (ourselves). Consequently, the implication in feminist oral history is that feminist researchers who whish to represent the experiences of other should first inquire 'what/how we can hear,' 'why we want to know others,' and 'who we are,' while simultaneously asking if subaltern woman can speak.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.3-36
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• 2010

This paper is based on the certain point that 'the indigenous', which have long been occupied by the Asian patriarchy or the local communities, now calls for the repositioning in the feminist context. 'The indigenous', in one part, generally refer to the matured long-standing traditions and practices of certain regional, or local communities, as a mode of a place specific way of endowing the world with integral meaning. In the narrow definition, it points to the particular form of placed based knowledge for survival, for example, the useful knowledge of a population who have lived experiences of the environment. In the other part, 'the indigenous' could be criticized in the gender perspectives because it has been served as an ideological tool for patriarchy and sexism, which have undermined women's body and subjectivity in the name of the Asian traditional community. That's why the feminists with sensitivity to the discourses of it, may perceive it very differently, still hesitating dealing with the problem. However, even if there are tendencies that the conservatives romanticize local traditions and essentialize 'the indigenous', as it were, it does not exist 'out there'. Then, it could be scrutinized in the contemporary context which, especially, needs to seek the possibility towards the alternatively post - develope mental knowledge system. In the face of global economic crisis which might be resulted from the instrumentalized or fragmented knowledge production system, it's holistic conceptions that human, society, and nature should not be isolated from each other. is able to give an insightful thinking. It will work in the restraint condition that we reconceptualize the indigenous knowledge not as an unchanging artefact of a timeless culture, but as a dynamic, living and culturally meaningful system towards the ecofeminstic indigenous knowledge. And then, indigenous renaissance phenomena which empower non-western culture and knowledge system and generate increased consciousness of cultural membership. Thus, this paper argues that the indigenous knowledges which have been underestimated in the western-centered knowledge-power relations, could be reconstructed as a potential resources of ecological civility transnationally which reconnect individuals and societies with nature.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.