• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.281-318
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• 2014

This article aims to inquire into the decision making system and the sources of the original documents made by means of it in Imperial Japan, the colonial Chosun, GHQ, and the occupied Japan in terms of the post-war treatments of compensation on the Japanese colonial rules. It deals with them from 1910 to 1952 in the perspective of history and archivistics. This article attempts to establish the foundation on which the perception of the documents made in the Imperial Japan, its colony, and the occupied territory would be widened by placing the colonial rules and the compensation on them into a continuous line. The records of Japan's forced occupation of Korea during 1910-1945, and the original records documenting the decision making process of post-war compensation under GHQ, 1945-1952, have been dispersed in Korea, Japan and the United States. This dispersed preservation was mainly due to the complicated decision-making process among Governor-General of Chosun, the Japanese Imperial government, and the GHQ. It was the top-down styled, dual decision making system, in which the critical policies, personnel, and budget had been decided in Imperial homeland, while their implementations were made in the colonies. As a result, the records documenting the whole process of domination have been preserved dispersedly in Japan and its colonies. In particular, the accounts of not yet paid Korean workers that was forced to mobilize in Japan's colonial periods, which is emerging as the diplomatic conflict between Korea and Japan, had been dealt in the decrees of the Japanese government and policy-making of GHQ. It has already been changed to the problem as 'economic cooperation' from the 'debt'. Also, the critical records for post-war compensation were preserved dispersedly in the United States and Japan under the top-down decision making process of GHQ-Japan. Therefore, the dispersed records of 1910-1952 about the colonial rules by the Imperial Japan and the post-war compensation on them must be re-investigated for the adequate documentation in the context of time and space.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.34
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• pp.77-123
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• 2018

The liberated korea has the estimated population 16 million in 1945, and added 2.5 million just after an year. The korean repatriates returned by way of 2 main routes. The returnees, Wol-Nam-Min(former residents in north korea), and repatriates from Manchuria came into south korea over the 38th division line. The other repatriates from japanese islands and pacific areas came into Busan port and the vicinity. The repatriates who returned from the China and the Japanese islands made up about 80% of the total added population. However, the influx of overseas repatriates who explosively increased between 1945 and 1946, declined abruptly in April of 1946, and at last illegal re-emigration group to Manchuria and Japan Appeared, who had repatriated from those areas. This study deals with the "re-migration phenomenon of 1946" in korea, mainly focuses on 1) the motivation for those who decided to remigrate, their prospects of resettlement in Manchuria and post war japan after re-migration, 2) the structural problems of the Korean society in 1946-1947, and 3) the social recognition for the people who letf for Manchuria and Japan. This study proved the cause and background of re-migration phenomenon. The Manchuria case, the local authorities wanted farmers and peasants who could cultivate the abandoned land which had been originally pioneered and reclaimed by korean poor peasants, who repatriated to korean peninsula. On the other hand, the korean repatriates had a hard time in tenanting farmland, and so much difficulty in getting farming tools including fertilizer. That's why they left korea for Manchuria again. The Japanese case, the korean repatriates had a tough life owing to the restriction of properties left in japan, while the inflation and food shortage in korea got worse and worst. Accordingly, many koreans tried illegal entrance into post war japan. This study is a part of clarifying the universality and specificity of post war repatriation and migration issues developed in the south Korea. Through this study, we can find how difficult it is for newly liberated areas to accommodate repatriates and make them ordinary nationals in harmonic way with successful social integration. and we can observe the social aspect and administrative ability of newly liberated south korea in detail, Because the present korea has faced with so many problems connected with immigration workers and re-setting with korean communities abroad, we should introspect these historical experience of our own.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.223-251
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• 2018

This paper comparatively considered how Korea and Japan address the concept of 'postwar' in descriptions of their literary history. In Japan, 'postwar' refers to the period after World War II (Asia-Pacific War). This word implies a variety of contexts such as collapse, poverty, confusion, calendar reform, reconstruction and restoration as well as a series of historical events such as war, war defeat, and American occupation; and so it has been treated in Japanese society a significant period. In the history of Korean literature, it is after national liberation that the word 'postwar' appeared; however, it has usually indicated 'the period after the Korean War.' The question is that although the term of postwar refers to periods after different wars, Koreans used the term of postwar also in the same way as Japan, and their concept of postwar overlaps with the concept of prewar or postwar used in Japan, and accordingly, side effects are produced that fail to grasp properly the independent characteristics and significance of the Korean War. In conclusion, the Korean War brought about contrasting effects on the history of Korean and Japanese literature. While the Korean War meant a start after the war in Korean literature, it became a turning point marking the end of postwar in Japanese literature. Such different perceptions on postwar also have major implications in that perceptions represent postwar discourses in today's Korea and Japan.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.5-25
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• 2009

Since the end of the 1950-1953 Korean War, many scholars and policymakers have expressed concern about the possibility of another conflict on the peninsula. In certain respects, the post-1953 North-South Korea relationship resembles the Cold War that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union, 1945-1990. Although a "hot" never occurred, peace was never guaranteed. By looking at international theories (i.e., realism and liberal theory) and by utilizing casual-loop diagram analysis, the main purpose of this research is to explore on the likelihood of peace and war on the Korean peninsula. First, several factors (e.g., economic stagnation of North Korea, unstable political systems, and so on) emphasized by realism perspectives are significantly related to the likelihood of conflict between North and South Korea. Conversely, several determinants (e.g., economic assistance to North Korea, inter-dialogue between two Koreas, cultural and social exchange, and so on) emphasized by liberal approaches are significantly related to likelihood of peace on the Korean peninsula. Given the two different interpretations about the likelihood of conflict or peace, it can be argued that a second military action might occur on the Korean peninsula if realism theories are true. However, if practical factors exist on the Korean peninsula, the two Korean can optimistically expect a peaceful reunification in the future, without interference from other countries.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.297-323
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• 2010

The distinguished feature of the economic relationship between China and Africa during the cold war is the one that there was economic point of view at all even though such a huge trade between the two countries. It was caused by purely ideological and political purpose of China. because of the giant stream of time which is called as 'the cold war', it has been replaced with other conceptions: 'aid' or 'support.' Since the end of the cold war, however, the relationship between China and Africa has been showing noticeable features; political and ideological purposes are getting less meaningful or excluded completely. In 1990, China was based on the pragmatism, which is a rigorous sense of economy, and Africa was getting popular as an emerging market, which is not only performing as a stable energy supplier but also making trade and direct investment is possible. Also, it has implications for Korea that seriously considers putting more efforts into expanding its influence on all over the trade relations which includes investment and import-export in the emerging market: Africa.

• Archives of design research
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.77-86
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• 2001

Post-modernism which was generally spread western civilization after World war II and used to a wide area in many fields reflects an aspect of the social and cultural as representative the spirit of the age in the late 20th century The most phenomenon that was appeared a sign of Post-modernism is the spread of popular culture. Animation which is the aim of communicating the entertainment and pleasure has a peculiar position in the result of the popular culture. Neon Genesis Evangelion can be discriminated the existing commercial animation because the process of the story, the characteristic of the work and the expression of an author are demonstrating sufficiently the Post-modernistic characteristic.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.47-72
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• 2009

Since the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia has been aggressively seeking a role and place in the U.S.-led international order. Russia conditionally cooperated with the U.S. global policy, efforts to protect and expand the national interests in Post-soviet region. In this context, Post-soviet space is the arena of the struggle among the world powers. Especially in Ukraine as the Axis power of Post-soviet space, hegemony conflicts so called 'New Cold War' between Russia and western powers including U.S. have appeared. This paper examines what are Russian military security strategy and policy, how these come to fruition in Ukraine, what are important factors of complications and its aspect.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.89-122
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• 2020

The longing for submarine manufacture and the fear of her power had exited for a long time, but submarine that could submerge and attack was built from 20th century by science technology development. The question, 'Submarine can exercise her power in naval warfare?' had exited before World War I, but the effective value of submarine was shown in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare during World War I and World War II. Germany and the United States made the best use of submarines at that time. The submarines of these nations mounted fierce attack on the enemy's battleships and merchant ships and blocked the sea lanes for war material. These fierce attack on ships became impossible After World War II, and the major powers reduced and coordinated the defence budget, so they considered the role of submarine. However, submarine is still powerful weapon system because she can secretly navigate under the water, and one of the most important force in the navy. The aim of this thesis is analyzing submarine roles in each naval warfare and integrating maritime strategy and weapon system technology into her roles. First, the research about represent submarine roles like anti-surfaceship warfare, anti-submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, land attack, supporting special operation and mine landing warfare will be presented, then the major naval warfare where submarine participated(during ex-World War I, World War I, World War II, The Cold War Era and post Cold War) and the analyzing of submarine roles by time will be presented. Submarine was developed for anti-surfaceship warfare during ex-World War I but could not make remarkable military gain in naval warfare because her performance and weapon was inadequate. However, the effective value of submarine in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare was shown during World War I and World War II. The major powers put battleships into naval warfare undiscriminatingly to command the sea power and submarines did massive damage to enemy navy power, so put a restraint the maritime power of enemy, and blocked the sea lanes for war material. After World War II, the battlefield situation changed rapidly and the concept of preemption became difficult to apply in naval warfare. Therefore, the submarine was unable to concentrate on anti-surfaceship mission. Especially during the Cold War era, nuclear submarine came to appear and her weapon system developed rapidly. These development gave submarines special missions: anti-submarine warfare and intelligence gathering. At that time, United States and Soviet submarines tracked other nation's submarines loaded with nuclear weapons and departing from naval their base. The submarines also collected information on the volume of ships and a coastal missile launching site in company with this mission. After Cold War, the major powers despatched forces to major troubled regions to maintain world peace, their submarines approached the shores of these regions and attacked key enemy installations with cruise missiles. At that time, the United States eased the concept of preemption and made the concept of Bush doctrine because of possible 911 terrorism. The missiles fired from submarines and surface battleships accurately attacked key enemy installations. Many nations be strategically successful depending on what kind of mission a submarine is assigned. The patterns of future naval warfare that my country will provide against will be military power projection and coalition/joint operations. These suggest much more about what future missions we should assign to submarines.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.