• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.211-241
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• 2012

The Draft International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities officially proposed by the European Union on the occasion of the 55th Session of the United Nations Peaceful Uses of the Outer Space last June 2012 in Vienna, Austria is to fill the lacunae of the relevant norms to be applied to the human activities in the outer space and thus has the merit our attention. The missing elements of the norms span from the prohibition of an arms race, safety and security of the space objects including the measures to reduce the space debris to the exchange of information of space activities among space-faring nations. The EU's initiatives, when implemented, cover or will eventually prepare for the forum to deal with such issues of interests of the international community. The EU's initiatives begun at the end of 2008 included the unofficial contacts with major space powers including in particular the USA of which position is believed to have been reflected in the Draft with the aim to have it adopted in 2013. Although the Code is made up of soft law rather than hard law for the subscribing countries, the USA seems to be afraid of the eventuality whereby its strategic advantages in the outer space will be affected by the prohibiting norms, possibly to be pursued by the Code from its current non-binding character, of placing weapons in the outer space. It is with this trepidation that the USA has been opposing to the adoption of the United Nations Assembly Resolutions on the prevention of an arms race in the outer space (PAROS) and in the same context to the setting-up of a working group on the arms race in the outer space in the frame of the Conference on Disarmament. China and Russia who together put forward a draft Treaty on Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects (PPWT) in 2008 would not feel comfortable either because the EU initiatives will steal the lime light. Consequently their reactions are understandably passive towards the Draft Code while the reaction of the USA to the PPWT was a clear cut "No". With the above background, the future of the EU Code is uncertain. Nevertheless, the purpose of the Code to reduce the space debris, to allow exchange of the information on the space activities, and to protect the space objects through safety and security, all to maximize the principle of the peaceful use and exploration of the outer space is the laudable efforts on the part of EU. When the detailed negotiations will be held, some problems including the cost to be incurred by setting up an office for the clerical works could be discussed for both efficient and economic mechanism. For example, the new clerical works envisaged in the Draft Code could be discharged by the current UN OOSA (Office for Outer Space Affairs) with minimal additional resources. The EU's initiatives are another meaningful contribution following one due to it in adopting the Kyoto Protocol of 1997 to the UNFCCC (UN Framework Convention on the Climate Change) and deserve the praise from the thoughtful international community.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.413-420
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• 2005

Purpose: Neuroreceptor PET studies require 60-120 minutes to complete and head motion of the subject during the PET scan increases the uncertainty in measured activity. In this study, we investigated the effects of the data-driven head mutton correction on the evaluation of endogenous dopamine release (DAR) in the striatum during the motor task which might have caused significant head motion artifact. Materials and Methods: $[^{11}C]raclopride$ PET scans on 4 normal volunteers acquired with bolus plus constant infusion protocol were retrospectively analyzed. Following the 50 min resting period, the participants played a video game with a monetary reward for 40 min. Dynamic frames acquired during the equilibrium condition (pre-task: 30-50 min, task: 70-90 min, post-task: 110-120 min) were realigned to the first frame in pre-task condition. Intra-condition registrations between the frames were performed, and average image for each condition was created and registered to the pre-task image (inter-condition registration). Pre-task PET image was then co-registered to own MRI of each participant and transformation parameters were reapplied to the others. Volumes of interest (VOI) for dorsal putamen (PU) and caudate (CA), ventral striatum (VS), and cerebellum were defined on the MRI. Binding potential (BP) was measured and DAR was calculated as the percent change of BP during and after the task. SPM analyses on the BP parametric images were also performed to explore the regional difference in the effects of head motion on BP and DAR estimation. Results: Changes in position and orientation of the striatum during the PET scans were observed before the head motion correction. BP values at pre-task condition were not changed significantly after the intra-condition registration. However, the BP values during and after the task and DAR were significantly changed after the correction. SPM analysis also showed that the extent and significance of the BP differences were significantly changed by the head motion correction and such changes were prominent in periphery of the striatum. Conclusion: The results suggest that misalignment of MRI-based VOI and the striatum in PET images and incorrect DAR estimation due to the head motion during the PET activation study were significant, but could be remedied by the data-driven head motion correction.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.11
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• pp.109-152
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• 2007

This thesis started from accepting the criticism and concretely seeking the possibility of visual visuality, in particular, visual physicality or physical visuality through the expression revealed in painting space. This study aims at stressing the role of the body in visual perception and pictorial expression by it by examining the interaction between it and the body. First of all, this study explored perception and the position of the body in the great frame of the historical stream from modernism, through minimalism, through post-minimalism to later art in order to confirm the interaction between visual perception and the body or the change in the intervention of physicality in the stream of contemporary art, and connected them with a discourse on perception and the body. It raised as the grounds for it the discussions which provided the theoretical background about perception. It dealt with the scientific discussions on perceptual physicality by Gestalt psychology in perceptive psychology, and next the discussion of Rudolf Arnheim who exemplified Gestalt psychology mainly on the dimension of visual art. It is significant in explaining the perceptual activeness which is the same as that of M. Merleau-Ponty as a primary debater to solve the questions of perceptual physicality and physical visuality. M. Merleau-Ponty set forth ambiguous perception and the body as its background as the fundamental bases for perceiving the world rather than consciousness proved explicitly. As Hal Foster said, as minimalist phenomenological background they provided appropriate theoretical background to the late art rising against modernist logic. Next, after the 1970s Frank Stella showed a working method and a tendency entirely different from those in the previous period. For example, deconstruction of frame, decentralized spatial expression, dynamic and mixed expression, and allowing real space by overlapping were judged to swing to approval of perceptual physicality. Francis Bacon's painting structure, that is, figure, triptych, aplat and a method of production by accident were understood to well reflect M. Merleau-Ponty's chair logic of chiasme. This study tries to seek the possibility of pictorial expression from works aiming at defining the question of seeing in connection with physicality, the role of the body as the body accumulated and the linking with a real, daily life as the background of the body, and confirm the phase shift.

• Korean Journal of Applied Biomechanics
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.109-130
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• 2002

The purpose of this paper was to make a comparative analysis for the difference of the various kinematic variation which is occurred in the each situation when pitchers throw a straight and a curve ball. Four pitchers, who are two national team players and two high level pitchers, were selected among the right over hand pitchers of D university in the Busan for this paper. The data were analyzed by using 3D equipment. The results of the analysis which was about the elapsed time of the pitching, the movement of the body center-point, the highest height of the left knee, stride length, knee joint angle, shoulder joint angle, elbow joint angle and wrist joint angle in the each section(ST, LKU, HBP, LCF, MCP, BRP) were as follows : 1. Pitching time in the each section and step in the pitching for straight and curve ball was similar. The total elapsed time of the straight and curve ball was 1.78${\pm}$0.07sec and 1.77${\pm}$0.11sec in the order. 2. The position change of the body center to the Z(above below) direction did not show significant difference in the each situation of the section and step between pitching for the straight and curve ball. 3. Height of the left knee did not show significant difference as 125.38${\pm}$11.85cm and 124.95${\pm}$11.63m in the each pitching motion for straight and curve ball. The rate(%H) between height and stride length showed 68.42${\pm}$5.53(%H), 68.40${\pm}$5.45(%H) in the each pitching motion. 4. Pitching for curve ball showed longer stride length than pitching for straight ball that as the stride length was 140.35${\pm}$4.96cm and 144.8${\pm}$1.69cm. The rate(%H) between height and stride length showed 76.9${\pm}$3.77(%H), 79.39${\pm}$2.23(%H) in the each pitching motion. 5. Left knee joint angle did not show significant difference in the ST, LKU and HBP section in the each pitching motion. However, it was shown that knee joint angle was flexed much more in the LFC, MCP and BRP section in the pitching for curve ball. 6. Right shoulder joint angle did not show significant difference in the ST, LKU and HSP section. However, when pitches threw a curve ball in the LKU section. In the LFC section, the right shoulder joint angle was extended much more in the pitching for curve ball, and the angle was extended much in the MCP and BRP section in the pitching for curve ball than straight ball. 7. Right elbow joint angle did not show significant difference in the ST, LKU and HRP section in the two pitching motion. The angle had more flexion in the LFC and MCP section in the pitching for curve ball than the pitching for straight ball. The angle in the each pitching motion for straight ball and curve ball were extended by a narrow margin in the BRP section. 8. Right wrist joint angle was extended much more in the LFC and MCP section in the pitching for curve ball. In the BRP section, the angle was extended much more in the pitching for straight ball than curve ball.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.1
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• pp.119-129
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• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.65-73
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• 1999

Purpose: Regurgitation, vomiting and feeding intolerance are frequent in the neonates. Esophageal function and gastric peristalsis are not fully developed in the neonates, so we should give attention to reduce the incidence of regurgitation and vomiting after feeding. It is necessary to shorten the gastric emptying by change of feeding types and postprandial postures. Gastric emptying time was measured by ultrasound in the neonates to evaluate the effect of feeding types and postprandial postures. Method: We measured gastric antral cross sectional area along the abdominal aorta at the level of the superior mesenteric artery in longitudinal section at NPO state (4 hours after feeding), 0 and every 30 min. after feeding until the value goes below or back to the NPO state. Fifteen neonates were examined in each breast-fed and formula-fed group in supine position. Eighteen and 15 neonates were examined in supine and prone posture after formula feeding, respectively. We used 5 MHz convex prove with Aloka Echo Camera SSD-650. Result: 1) Gastric emptying time of breast-fed infants was $76.0{\pm}20.02$ min. which was significantly shorter than $96.0{\pm}20.28$ min. of formula-fed infants. 2) Gastric emptying time on postprandial prone posture was $85.0{\pm}22.43$ min. which was not significantly different from $96.0{\pm}20.28$ min. on postprandial supine posture. Conclusion: Breast feeding is strongly recommended to the neonates to shorten gastric emptying time. So we can expect to reduce the incidence of regurgitation, vomiting and feeding intolerance. The postprandial posture depends on the traditional trend which is safe and comfortable to the mothers.

• FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.186-192
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• 2010

An infrared heating system, installed in a small venlo-type glasshouse ($280m^2$) in Gyeongsang National University, Jinju, Korea, was used to investigate its heating effect with potted Phalaenopsis, Schefflera arboricola 'Hongkong', Ficus elastica 'Variegata', and Rosa hybrida 'Yellow King' as the test plants. Temperature changes in test plants with the system turned 'On' and 'Off' were measured by using an infrared camera and the consumption of electricity by this infrared heating system was measured and analyzed. In potted Phalaenopsis, when the set air temperature of the greenhouse was $18^{\circ}C$, temperature of leaves and the growing medium were $22.8{\sim}27^{\circ}C$ and $21.3{\sim}24.3^{\circ}C$, respectively. In such tall plants as Schefflera arboricola 'Hongkong' and Ficus elastica 'Variegata', the upper part showed the highest temperature of 24.0 and $26.9^{\circ}C$, respectively. From the results of temperature change measurements, the plant temperatures were near or above the set point temperatures with some fluctuations depending on the position or distance from the infrared heating system. When air temperature between night and dawn dropped sharply, plant temperatures were maintained close to the set temperature ($18^{\circ}C$). There was a significant difference between 'On' and 'Off' states of the infrared heating system in average temperatures of root zone and leaf: 21.8 and $17.8^{\circ}C$ with the system 'On' and 20.4 and $15.5^{\circ}C$ with the system 'Off', respectively, in a cut rose Rosa hybrida 'Yellow King'. The heating load was about $24,850{\sim}35,830kcal{\cdot}h^{-1}$, which comes to about 27,000~40,000 won in Korean currency when calculated in terms of the cost of heating by a hot water heating system heated by petroleum. The cost for heating by the infrared heating system was about 35% of that of a hot water heating system. With the infrared heating system, the air temperature during the night was maintained slightly lower than the set point air temperature, probably due to the lack of air tightness of the glasshouse. Therefore, glasshouses with an infrared heating system requires further investigation including the installation space of the heat-emitting units, temperature sensor positions, and convection.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.71-100
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• 2017

This study focuses on examining 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin', which Daesoon Jinrihoe believes in as the highest divinity. The name of this divinity was first found in Chinese Daoist scriptures. This study starts by considering the global propagation of virtue and then research connected to this topic. There are two alternative names for this divinity in relation to his human avatar, Kang Jeungsan, the subject of faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe. One is 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' meaning the divinity before assuming a human avatar, and the other is 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation' the same divinity after he discarded his human avatar and returned to his celestial post. To understand how the belief system of Daesoon Jinrihoe differs from that of Daoism, it is necessary to study the divinity's change from being 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' to becoming 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation'. If this distinction is not made clear, it brings about confusing arguments concerning the term 'Supreme God (Sangje)' as used in Daoism and Daesoon Jinrihoe. In order to offer a specific explanation, this study suggests three possible directions. The first hypothesis is that although these two names, 'the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daoism and 'the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daesoon Jinrihoe, are similar, they actually have nothing to do with one another. The second hypothesis is that they are in fact the same divinity. Lastly, the third hypothesis is that they are closely connected, however, the former (the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a position needed to fulfill the mission of Jeungsan, whereas the latter (the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a name received after the human avatar passes and the deity returns to the Noebu, 'the department of lightning'. These hypotheses face certain problems such as arbitrary mixing, the need for the theoretical clarity, and argumental weakness. Therefore, by leaving some unresolved questions, this study encourages future follow-up studies.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.