• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.221-244
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• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.211-215
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• 2021

The number of megacities are increasing, due to the global urbanization. Along with this change, climate change, social development and technology advance make the calamities complicated and more devastating. Especially, megacities are hyper-netted, hyper-connected and hyper-converged with population more than 10 million and their domain. When calamities break out, the damage will be aggravated for they lead to another ones. Since megacities are the center of politics, economics and culture of a nation. so when complex disaster break out in megacities, this may be developed to a peril to the national security. Therefore, pan-government effort must be concentrated in preparing abilities to forecast, react, rapid response and resilience.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.188-211
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• 2021

Decreasing response rates to traditional survey methods, like face-to-face and telephone interviews, have led survey practitioners around the world to seek new ways of conducting surveys in recent years." The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated this problem because it made conducting face-to-face interviews even more difficult than before. For example, it made conducting face-to-face surveys infeasible in 2020 in South Korea, and so the Korean Academic Multimode Open Survey (KAMOS) was unable to conduct a planned face-to-face survey to recruit new panel members. The entire 8,514-member panel, established via two-stage probability-based sampling from 2016 to 2019, was invited to take three online/telephone surveys in 2020. Of these panel members, 1,352 responded to at least one survey in 2020. To test to what extent the panel remained representative of the adult South Korean population, we compared the two groups of panel members: those who responded to at least one survey in 2020 and those who did not. After weighting both groups on the basis of age, sex, and geographical area, we analyzed their responses to some of the questions that were asked during multiple rounds of the face-to-face panel-recruiting interviews. Using Cohen's d for survey items that could be analyzed numerically and Cramér's V for categorical items, we were able to conclude that the respondents to the 2020 surveys were equivalent to the non-respondents in terms of both demographics and in the answers they originally gave to substantive questions on a variety of topics related to social science or public opinion research, including questions about quality of life, societal issue, and politics (Cohen's d items <0.2, 95% CI; Cramér's V items <0.1, 95% CI). This analysis may provide a model for others who wish to test the continued representativeness of their panel or who would like to use a different survey mode or change some other aspect of their methodology and test whether it is equivalent to their former methodology. Our success in building a panel that retained its representativeness may be useful to those in other countries where face-to-face surveys had previously been the norm but are becoming increasingly difficult to conduct.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.2 s.34
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• pp.205-213
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• 2005

A balanced regional development has a great meaning of economics in the fact that the People could enjoy the equal level of lift everywhere in the country by reducing the income disparity and economic productivity between regions, however as the our country was given Preponderance of economical power and development to the metropolitan area centering around Seoul due to a factor of politics, social structure as well as a national economic policy centering around a rapid economic growth, the unbalanced regional growth gave rise to great hindrance to a national development. Especially, the unbalanced 9rowth between regions gave rise to a sense of alienation to a citizen in a special region as well as a distortion of an effective resources distribution. therefore it was deepen a social discord to hinder the unity of the people due to always coming to involve social ,political affairs. The major contents of this study is to clarify relations between the economic growth and the balanced regional development to form a concept of a national development, and this thesis made disparities in population and convenient facilities between regions through change of convenient facilities of life, economic growth, and population between regions an analytic object to concrete the studies. Also, this thesis made a whole countw land an analytic object of spatial sphere. and it made a unit of ten years when the five-year economic development plan was achieved from the year 1962 to 2001 an otject of the time range of studies.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.155-187
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• 1999

The East Asian Region has experienced remarkable economic growth and transformation of interurban networking over the past three decades, and urban competiti veness for a networking hub in this region has become a critical issue confronting cities. Competitiveness of the Seoul capital region for a networking hub in Northeast Asia is outstripped by other competing cities in East Asia, notwithstanding its geo-politically and geo-economically advantageous location in this region. In this paper, we aim to appraise the Seoul capital region's competitiveness in terms of logistics distribution, financial function and logistics distribution, financial function and agglomeration of transnational corporations (especially of RHOs and other managerial functions), and to advance the networking strategies of the region for a Northeast Asia hyb. As a result of analysis, we suggest that the Seoul capital region be developed as a Northeast Asian center for regional headquarters or leading global corporations and financial services for being a strategic nodal point in Northeast Asia in the 21st century. A recent survey shows that where to locate an RHQ is influenced by various factors, such as potential market and manufacturing site in the city's hinterland, quality of life, such things as culture, health, safety, education, a well-educated, English-speaking population, reliable air transport, state-of-the-art communications, and an active policy to offer foreign companies generous incentives. The Seoul capital region, which is located at a strategic nodal point advantageous as a springboard for its Northeast Asian hinterland, cannot meet the other conditions mentioned above. To overcome these drawbacks in attracting transnational capital and to create competitiveness as a strategic hub of RHQs in Northeast Asia, it is urgent to initiate a structural reform of the Korean economy, politics, and overall society, to minimize the regulation of FDI, and to provide various incentives for foreign investment. Moreover, we propose the construction of an 'International Business Town' in the Seoul capital region, as a medium to intermediate these strategies and to shape them in a spatial scale. The projected 'International Business Town(IBT)' will be a 'free city' open to international business in which liberal economic activities are guaranteed by special legislation and administration, infrastructures needed for international and improved accessibility to the airport are furnished, and the preference of foreign high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capital, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capita, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income and managerial class. Furthermore, it can be an excellent way of overcoming the xenophobia that has spread among the Korean population by concentrating foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific zone. In conclusion, 'International Business Town', in line with other legislative and administrative incentive programs, will function as a driving force to make the Seoul capital regional more competitive as a regional business hub in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of the Korean Solar Energy Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.75-85
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• 2016

This research aims to predict and analyze green building certification market of Korean Peninsula after unification. First, it analyzes prospected unification time period, then it forecasts number of new residential and non-residential buildings to be constructed based on estimated number of residences in short at the time in North Korea. There exists a good chance that North Korea's new building market forms similar to that of South Korea, as unification would thoroughly proceed which would result levels of economic culture social politics in quasi-equal state. Thus, assuming the ratio of residential and non-residential building against population is similar in both Korea's, the number against North Korea's house supplied population can be estimated. Based on the expected numbers in North Korea, number of proceeded Building Energy Conservation Plan, Building Energy Rating Certification, and Green Standard for Energy and Environmental Design (G-SEED) are predicted. The research shows certification market related to green building in united Korean Peninsula to be \660 billion over 10 years. Not only certifications to newly built buildings but also including existing buildings, this market is to grow to a considerable extent. As this would largely influence eco-constructive materials, energy plant/equipment, and other relevant markets as well, it would require to make thorough preparations. In sum, to stabilize green building market even before the unification, the research proposes the necessities of appropriate systems in consideration of North Korea, through in-depth discussions and establishment of technology and policy directions in green building sector, such as building energy management and emission reduction technology.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.307-330
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• 2016

This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.107-130
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• 2008

The study of Korean diaspora has focused on migration, adaptation, and identity of overseas Koreans in China, the CIS, Japan, and the United States. However, the contemporary concept of a diaspora is a way of understanding migration, cultural difference, identity politics, and so on. Thus, this more broadly defined diaspora is used to mean a dispersion of people of a common national origin or of common beliefs living in exile. As of 2007, it is estimated that there are about 7 million Koreans living in 170 countries outside the Korean peninsula. Some have left Korea involuntarily and some others voluntarily. But most of them actively try to maintain their identity and culture as Koreans. With the large number of overseas Koreans, there has recently been the recognition of the importance of networking among overseas Koreans in the 21st century. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the necessity of Korean Global Network of overseas Koreans. In doing so, this paper reviewed the case of Jewish and Chinese network. Then, this paper indicates the problems in the networking of overseas Koreans and suggests the policy implications for Korean Global Network. Above all, there should be changes in the government's policy towards overseas Koreans in the direction of organizing networks of overseas Koreans to coexist with the mother country. The government should adopt a policy to restore trust in overseas Koreans. It should take a pragmatic approach to the mutual interests in the socioeconomic relations instead of taking a political approach to overseas Koreans.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.161-180
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• 1997

There are about 400, 000 Korean ethnics living in Central Asia. Most of Koreans in Central Asia are leading a stable middle class life mostly engaged in farm work. With increase of educational attainment of their children, a number of Koreans are launching into political and academic circles as well as in the cultural world or the press. In recent years, however, the countries in this area(Uzbekistan and Kazakstan) for this study advocate an ethnic united policy to stabilize the politics and society and to carry out efficient transformation from the former socialistic economy to a market oriented economy. In addition, they are trying to recover the culture and the language of each nation which has been forgotten in the assimilation of Russia policy. Koreans have difficulty in adaption to this kind of change. In fact, a number of Koreans lost traditional culture and could not speak their mother language - Korean. Although they more or less maintain national consciousness, they recognize Uzbekistan or Kazakstan as their nation politically. They associated with North Korea unilaterally before the launching of the Perestroika policy. But after the Seoul Olympics held in 1998, there was movement to know and understand South Korea. There has been increased in the investment by Korean companies in Central Asia. Now, what is an alternative idea for Korean community consciousness\ulcorner It can be summarized as follows: 1) The increase of aid to Korean education institute : Considering the last few decades of Russia's strong racial assimilation policy, which leads most Koreans to lost their language and national culture, the priority should go to Koreans education. 2) Local Korean press support : Though Korean newspaper are published and Korean broadcasting is on the air currently in Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, they are suffering from qualified staff and poor financial status. Therefore, positive support should be established for these Korean mass communication media outlets to recover their own function and expand their dissemination powers quickly. 3) Research on the actual condition for Korean Community : It is essential to directly examine the local Korean community's regional distribution, population structure, Korean group's formation and operation, social and cultural understanding, racial consciousness, hope for their mother land and much more. 4) Increase of mother land and education opportunity : To stir up national culture and national consciousness within the Korean community, it is necessary to expand continuous opportunities for mother land visits and education training for local Koreans, especially for second and third generations.