• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.105-131
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• 2015

This article is based on a research conducted from 2009 to 2012, on the political disputes in Thailand. During the data collections periods, it was common to hear the frustration, bitterness and anger, expressed by the Redshirts, especially those who lived in the northeast and northern regions. Coming from the said research, this paper will examine the relationship between emotions and rights. According to the sociology of emotions, there are connections between macrolevel social processes and the arousal of emotions. Emotions arising from macrostructural processes may affect individuals at the microlevel, prompting them into actions collectively. In addition, expressions of resentment and articulation for vengeance can be interpreted as the emotions related to the awareness of rights, which may include the rights to one's needs and the access to resources that fulfill such needs. It will demonstrate how emotions, political demonstrations and the increasing awareness of rights, are related.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.55
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• pp.5-25
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• 2003

This study analysed the components and characters of welfare rights through discussions of the concepts and types of universal rights, and discussions of human rights and citizenship rights. Welfare rights is claims rights which requires somewhat, and it is positive rights. And it is generally passive rights, but it contains collective participation rights which is active rights. The result of total discussions of rights, human rights, and citizenship rights led us to know the components and characters of welfare rights. Welfare rights contains social rights, economic rights, and cultural environmental rights. Social rights are composed of the right of social security, social welfare service, health, education, and residency. Economic rights are composed of the right of labor, intervension of labor market, job security, and capital control. cultural environmental rights are composed of the right of culture and environment. And welfare rights has several characters. First, it is natural rights which is bestowed on the citizens or people in modern civil societies. it is samely characterised as liberties and political rights. second, it has the same values like other rights such as lberties and political rights. Or it is more important, because it is necessary for other rights. Third, it is not the objective being which is constant, but it is changed, formed and constructed as total rights with human rights and citizenship rights. Fourth, it is truely rights, but is simultaniously accompanied by obligations. But the obligations is unconditional like as other rights. Endly, levels of welfare on the welfare rights must be modicum rather than minimum. The meaning of modicum level is uncertain, but it aims to the entire participation of peoples as citizen and social integration. And it has to aim to the prevention of heridity and continuity of inequality.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.371-392
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• 2006

The studies and concerns of social rights and the security of social rights continue steadily, and extend there range and realms. But not only ideological and political threats on them but also critical views still are widespread. Therefore we need adequate researches on the characteristics of social rights and the meanings of the security of social rights, which are more fundamental. So this study was intended for more precise understanding on social rights and the meanings of the security of social rights through researches on the characteristics of social rights. The characteristics of social rights which this study researched are rights and duties, citizenship rights and social justice, and methodology and ideology. Through this research, I discussed justness of social rights and clarified the security of social rights not to be defined categorically but to be procedural concept. I argued that security of social rights is necessary to realize other citizenship rights such as civil rights, political rights, and I discussed this has to be considered dimension of social justice. And I discussed the necessity and the levels of distribution, which are accomplished not to dimension of simple social security and social welfare benefits but to dimension of human liberties, rights, and equalities.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.121-140
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• 2018

Faced with a series of violent confrontations on civil rights in the State of Alabama in 1963, John F. Kennedy gave a formal speech that heralded the end of his unusually long-drawn-out aloofness from the issue. The speech marked a new phase in Kennedy's political leadership as the thirty-fifth president of the United States employed a rhetoric of moral failure, defining the University of Alabama crisis and the ensuing civil rights struggle as a threat to American federalism and national ideals. This paper employs the formal, neoclassical terms of rhetoric to analyze the distinct mode of persuasion Kennedy employs in which the former U.S. president (1) appeals to moral interpretation as a proper solution to the aggravating social situation and (2) puts an interpretation on civil disorder in Birmingham, Alabama as a major threat to national identity, rather than a regional, largely party-political question.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.340-360
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• 2005

Fishery resource rents(i.e. windfall gains or excess profit), which tend to lead a variety of important economic, social, political problems, have been a fundamental cause of unbalance between fishery resource use and management. Thus, there may exist several sorts of optimal level of resource utilization such as economic maximum sustainable yield, biological maximum sustainable yield, social optimum production, socio-political optimum yield, etc. The fishery resource use level seems to a large extent to be determined by the characteristics of fishermen's rent seeking structure. As well known, fishery resources as common properties have a characteristic of being difficult to establish private property rights. Therefore, their use rights are controlled by the permit and/or the license system. As a result, absolute or differential rents are formed by the changes in institutional arrangements. Rent problems are often transformed into serious socio-political issues when the rent in a given industry is much higher to a socially unacceptable extent than the average of other industries. However, individual fishermen or fishermen's groups tend to behave aggressively to change the existing fishery institutions towards maximizing fishery rents. These rent-seeking behaviors often tend to nullify fishery management schemes. The larger is the relative rent difference between fisheries and other industries, the more aggressive tend to be the rent-seeking behaviors in fisheries.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.159-186
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• 2019

Southeast Asia accounts for nearly a tenth of total worldwide cross-border movements of migrant workers. Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, and Philippines make up the sending countries while Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand are the major destinations. Migrant worker movements are predominantly in production process and low- to medium-skilled sectors. It is not unusual for irregular or undocumented movements to take place. In not a few instances, migrants work under harsh and exploitative conditions. In recent years, however, ASEAN has taken steps to manage labor migration at the regional level. The paper argues that ASEAN has not managed these cross-border labor flows as well as it should particularly in terms of protecting and promoting the human rights of migrants. It will be difficult to establish the genuine building blocks for a regional human rights mechanism unless there is a diffusion of alternative universal norms and standards to what ASEAN already embodies. As long as states resist any attempt to weaken or question or deligitimize their capacity to determine who gets to enter, stay, and leave their jurisdictions, it will be difficult to establish an effective migrant rights framework for the region.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.44
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• pp.262-287
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to monitor the implementation of UN Convention on the Rights of the Children (CRC) and to find out new directions for the promotion on the children's rights in Korea. Based on the module of International Save the Children Alliance (1993) about the children's rights and the Indicators of Korean Children's Wellbeing (Korean Council for Children's Rights, 1999), the revised Korean child welfare law (2000) as a related domestic law has compared with the 54 articles of CRC (1989). The results of this study are analyzed as follows: The Korean child welfare law has only 2 articles on the civil and political rights of the children in special need and neglects the economic, social and cultural rights of the general children at home. In consequence the Korean law has few survival rights of the general children for securing their adequate living standards and supplementing their parents' role. And it limits only to the development rights of the children in special need, therefore, it neglects the genera: children's rights to information, play and leisure, cultural activities. Above all, it has only 2 articles on the participation rights of the children in special circumstances. On the other hand, based on the indicators of Korean Children's Wellbeing, the collected data say that the budget for the child welfare is only 1.12% of the total budget of the ministry of the health and welfare and its 96.28% is for the children in substitutional care. Based on the results, implications for practice and future research are discussed, and new directions for the promotion of the children's rights are also suggested.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.