• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political participation

Search Result 284, Processing Time 0.024 seconds

Local Autonomy, National Economy and Local Public Finance (지방자치(地方自治)와 국민경제(國民經濟) 및 지방재정(地方財政))

  • Lee, Kye-sik
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
    • /
    • v.13 no.2
    • /
    • pp.41-67
    • /
    • 1991
  • Local autonomy of Korea's lower-level local council has been reinstated following elections last March for the first time in thirty years. Last June, we had elections for the upper-level local council. Mayors, governors, and administrative chiefs of cities, provinces and other local government bodies are slated for elections in the first half of next year. The impacts of local autonomy are taking effect in not only the political sphere, but also the administrative and economic spheres. In fact, it seems that some modification of all economic policy making and administration is inevitable. Since the initiation of local autonomy, in order to make the economy work more efficiently, it has become quite important to examine the impact of local autonomy on the national economy. The areas of local autonomy include independent legislative power, administrative power, organizational power, and most important of all, the independent public financial power of the local governments. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of local autonomy on the national economy and ways of enhancing the role of local public finance to facilitate settlement and development of the local autonomy system. Local autonomy will contribute to the continuous growth of our economy, allow balanced development, and generate greater efficiency. However, local autonomy can also incur economic costs causing at times short-term price instability, inefficient resource allocation, through tax competition and tax exporting, and insolvency of local government due to abusive fiscal operation. To reduce these side effects, different alternatives must be considered. Local autonomy systems generally provide more efficient resource allocation than centralization. But in the model used in Chapter 3 of this paper, the relative efficiencies of both local autonomy and centralization are determined by comparing the elasticity of substitution between national public goods and local public goods. If the elasticity of substitution is bigger than one, centralization provides a more efficient resource allocation. The development of local autonomy could be attained through democratization of the local public finance system including the following three propositions. I) The independence of public financial power of local governments should be established over central government. Furthermore, a democratically operated scheme of intergovernmental fiscal coordination is especially necessary. 2) In the operation of local finance, direct democracy is needed to induce the voluntary participation of local residents. The residents can take part in planning both the local budget and the development of the community. To attain this goal, all the results of local finance operations should be made public. 3) Among economic ill-effects of the local autonomy system, the most serious one is the possibility of insolvency of local governments. Therefore, measures to limit abusive spending by the local governments should be introduced, such as the fiscal restraints system adopted in the United States.

  • PDF

Study on the Characteristic of Media Lawsuits by Public Figures and the Tendency of the Court Decisions in Korea: Focusing on the Decision about Defamation of Politicians and Senior Government Officials Since 1989 (공인의 미디어 소송 특징과 국내 판결 경향에 관한 연구: 1989년 이후 정치인 및 고위 공직자 명예훼손 판례를 중심으로)

  • Yun, Sung-Oak
    • Korean journal of communication and information
    • /
    • v.40
    • /
    • pp.150-191
    • /
    • 2007
  • Defamation lawsuits of public figures against media have been an issue since Roh government set in. Dissension between the government and media has probably acted as the key factor on this problem. Accordingly, arguments on the defamation lawsuits of public figures occurred the political issues such as opposition between the Progressive and the Conservative Parties or between the ins and the outs and showed the limits to suggest an appropriate judgment or solution. This study will analyze how the court makes its judgement on their rights and the limits by understanding the characteristic and the problem of defamation lawsuits made by senior government officials including a politician, the government, the president, and etc. As results, the defamation lawsuits of politicians and senior government officials showed specially noteworthy matters in salvation (damage suits), the amount claimed, court costs, ratio of winning lawsuits, and etc. The result on the tendency of the court decision showed the following matters in confusion: it holds the media responsible for the burden of proof by applying the inappropriate criterion; The applied laws, especially in the inferior court decision, do not show the consistency of the burden of proof between the misconception/ intention (malice)/ accident/ purpose of slander on the legal principles of public figures. Therefore, this study suggests the court to apply an appropriate law, let alone regulating the Anti-SLAPP law, so that it curtails the rights of public figures; limits the salvation of damage suit; and protects the right only in the case of false accusation by applying the existing law of "the Protection of the Deceased's Defamation Law." In order to dissolve the confusion when applying the laws on the public figures, the study insists the court to positively apply the Constitutional Court made criterion on "people" and "content." The study also insists to distinguish "intention(malice)," "accident," and "purpose of slander" and variant sorts of the burden of proof should be applied to each.

  • PDF

A Study on Childbrith in Late Maternal Age (노령출산에 관한 연구)

  • Han Yea Young
    • Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
    • /
    • v.8 no.2
    • /
    • pp.101-113
    • /
    • 1994
  • Maternity means all the women who are capable to conceive. In the aspect of health and medical care. however. it means the women who are now in pregnancy or have already given birth to a baby or are in a period of being recoverd from physiological changes occurred by pregnancy. According to the rapidly changing social structure. both the Quality and Quantity of the capacity of childbirth experienced by women are changing. Our society. having established a great economical growth by virtue of the highly developing and growing industrialization and urbanization. stimulates the women's advance into society and thereby increasing the number of employed women. When the women's participation in society is increased. their age of marriage is also affected. Which means there are a decrease of the capacity of childbirth in terms of quantity and a trend for women to have less children and to deliver a baby in their old age in terms of quality. On the contrary. since the number of multipara who want to have a baby in their old age is increasing. as a counter functional effect to the political project of decrease of a birth rate. concern has been focussed on childbirth in old age in the present study. And also such kind of the childbirth may be danger to the health of both mother and baby. Therefore the present study intended to provide some basic data of health education in the part of the health management of both mother and baby in the general hospital. based on understanding the realities of childbirth in. old age and things related to them. To achieve such a purpose of the present study. an analytical study by means of SPSS. was done using the data of 269 clinical records on both the newborn .babies and their mothers who had been supported by public general hospitals located in Seoul for 3 years from Jan. 1. 1991 to Dec. 31. 1993. Some significant results from the analytic study are as follows: 1. It appeared that the average age of normal. natural delivery was 33.8 years old and the average age of delivery through the cesarean operation was 35.4 years old. 2. It appeared that danger factors to childbirth women were types of the delivery and placental extrusion and danger factors to newborn babies are not so outstanding. 3. It appeared that the variables of the childbirth capacity which showed a significant difference according to each age group of women were the number of pregnancy. number of still birth, and number of existing children. That is. the age group of 'more than 35 years' had more frequency of experience In all 3 variables than the age group of 'less than 35 years'. 4. It appeared that the variables of the childbrith capacity which showed a significant difference a according to the sex of a newborn baby were number of pregnancy, number of still birth, and number of existing children. That is, the age group of 'more than 35 years' had more frequency of experience in all 3 variables than the age group of 'less than 35 years'. 5. It appeared that the health index of newborn babies which showed a significant difference was only 5 minute APGAR. That is, the health index 9.46 in the age group of 'more than 35 years' was less than an index of 9.72 in the age group of 'less than 35 years'. 6. Since a counter correlation of -0.10, as Pearson Correlation Coefficient, was showed between the age of childbirth mothers and the weight of newborn babies, it indicated that the higher age of childbirth woman, the lesser the weight of newborn baby. 7. It appeared that the number of women who had confirmed the sex of their baby before their delivery were 45 women, $67.2\%$ of total 67 women who had delivered a baby. and the expected sex by women in childbed was male with $73.1\%$ of total childbirth women expecting male birth and with their expression of feeling of female delivery. very regretful' by $39.3\%$ of total childbirth women. The results as shown above may indicate that instead of the possibility of danger to both the mother delivering a baby in old age and the baby delivered, the expectation of getting a son motivates childbirth in old age. As a conclusion, in a dimension of general hospital as well as national reform. it is required that a program of health education for childbirth in late maternal age have to be developed in the part of the health management of both mother and baby in the near future.

  • PDF

Laying the Siting of High-Level Radioactive Waste in Public Opinion (고준위 방폐장 입지 선정의 공론화 기초 연구)

  • Lee, Soo-Jang
    • Journal of Environmental Policy
    • /
    • v.7 no.4
    • /
    • pp.105-134
    • /
    • 2008
  • Local opposition and protest constitute single greatest hurdle to the siting of locally unwanted land uses(LULUs), especially siting of high-level radioactive disposal not only throughout Korea but also throughout the industrialized world. It can be attributed mainly to the NIMBYism, equity problem, and lack of participation. These problems are arisen from rational planning process which emphasizes instrumental rationality. But planning is a value-laden political activity, in which substantive rationality is central. To achieve this goals, we need a sound planning process for siting LULUs, which should improve the ability of citizens to influence the decisions that affects them. By a sound planning process, we mean one that is open to citizen input and contains accurate and complete information. In other word, the public is also part of the goal setting process and, as the information and analyses developed by the planners are evaluated by the public, strategies for solutions can be developed through consensus-building. This method is called as a co-operative siting process, and must be structured in order to arrive at publicly acceptable decisions. The followings are decided by consensus-building method. 1. Negotiation will be held? 2. What is the benefits and risks of negotiation? 3. What are solutions when collisions between national interests and local ones come into? 4. What are the agendas? 5. What is the community' role in site selection? 6. Are there incentives to negotiation. 7. Who are the parties to the negotiation? 8. Who will represent the community? 9. What groundwork of negotiation is set up? 10. How do we assure that the community access to information and expert? 11. What happens if negotiation is failed? 12. Is it necessary to trust each other in negotiations? 13. Is a mediator needed in negotiations?

  • PDF

The information of the businesses and the protection of information human rights (기업정보화와 정보인권보호)

  • 하우영
    • Proceedings of the Korea Institutes of Information Security and Cryptology Conference
    • /
    • 2003.12a
    • /
    • pp.543-559
    • /
    • 2003
  • The information drive of the businesses requires new alternatives in that the promotion of business efficiency through information process technologies ends up conflicting with the protection of information human rights on laborers’side. Nevertheless, apathy on information protection has a tendency to be distorted by the efficiency of the businesses. Should the capital and mass media warn economic red lights, political circles with uneasiness would ignore the significance of information protection on the behalf of business efficiency. Therefore, the importance of information protection is considered a smaller interest than that of business efficiency with the infringements of human rights on laborers’side arising. Informatization of the businesses along with the developments of information process technologies has enabled the management to monitor and control the behaviors of laborers. This new problem needs to establish both information protection mechanism and institutional devices to regulate those labor controls. The security of business activity without human rights infringement warrants both basic rights of the public and spirit of the Constitution. The study suggests the establishment and revision of laws suitable to the period of information human rights. On top of that, the establishment of the basic law for information protection of individuals’with the common principle that integrates the related laws and rules on-off line is needed. This will warrant the active participation of labor unions and create specific alternatives for information protection.

  • PDF

Literary Text and the Cultural Interpretation - A Study of the Model of 「History of Spanish Literature」 (문학텍스트와 문학적 해석 -「스페인 문학사」를 통한 모델 연구)

  • Na, Songjoo
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
    • /
    • v.26
    • /
    • pp.465-485
    • /
    • 2012
  • Instructing "History of Spanish Literature" class faces various types of limits and obstacles, just as other foreign language literature history classes do. Majority of students enter the university without having any previous spanish learning experience, which means, for them, even the interpretation of the text itself can be difficult. Moreover, the fact that "History of Spanish Literature" is traced all the way back to the Middle Age, students encounter even more difficulties and find factors that make them feel the class is not interesting. To list several, such factors include the embarrassment felt by the students, antiquated expressions, literature texts filled with deliberately broken grammars, explanations written in pretentious vocabularies, disorderly introduction of many different literary works that ignores the big picture, in which in return, reduces academic interest in students, and finally general lack of interest in literate itself due to the fact that the following generation is used to visual media. Although recognizing such problem that causes the distortion of the value of our lives and literature is a very imminent problem, there has not even been a primary discussion on such matter. Thus, the problem of what to teach in "History of Spanish Literature" class remains unsolved so far. Such problem includes wether to teach the history of authors and literature works, or the chronology of the text, the correlations, and what style of writing to teach first among many, and how to teach to read with criticism, and how to effectively utilize the limited class time to teach. However, unfortunately, there has not been any sorts of discussion among the insructors. I, as well, am not so proud of myself either when I question myself of how little and insufficiently did I contemplate about such problems. Living in the era so called the visual media era or the crisis of humanity studies, now there is a strong need to bring some change in the education of literature history. To suggest a solution to make such necessary change, I recommended to incorporate the visual media, the culture or custom that students are accustomed to, to the class. This solution is not only an attempt to introduce various fields to students, superseding the mere literature reserch area, but also the result that reflects the voice of students who come from a different cultural background and generation. Thus, what not to forget is that the bottom line of adopting a new teaching method is to increase the class participation of students and broaden the horizon of the Spanish literature. However, the ultimate goal of "History of Spanish Literature" class is the contemplation about humanity, not the progress in linguistic ability. Similarly, the ultimate goal of university education is to train students to become a successful member of the society. To achieve such goal, cultural approach to the literature text helps not only Spanish learning but also pragmatic education. Moreover, it helps to go beyond of what a mere functional person does. However, despite such optimistic expectations, foreign literature class has to face limits of eclecticism. As for the solution, as mentioned above, the method of teaching that mainly incorporates cultural text is a approach that fulfills the students with sensibility who live in the visual era. Second, it is a three-dimensional and sensible approach for the visual era, not an annotation that searches for any ambiguous vocabularies or metaphors. Third, it is the method that reduces the burdensome amount of reading. Fourth, it triggers interest in students including philosophical, sociocultural, and political ones. Such experience is expected to stimulate the intellectual curiosity in students and moreover motivates them to continues their study in graduate school, because it itself can be an interesting area of study.

Media Scholars and Power: The politicized intellectuals hanging on the dangerous rope (언론학자와 권력: 정치화된 지성의 위험한 줄타기)

  • Choi, Nakjin;Kim, Sunghae
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
    • /
    • v.22 no.2
    • /
    • pp.113-156
    • /
    • 2016
  • Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.

Analysis on Socio-cultural Aspect of Willingness to Pay for Air Quality (PM10, PM2.5) Improvement in Seoul (서울지역 미세먼지 문제 개선을 위한 사회문화적 지불의사액 추정)

  • Kim, Jaewan;Jung, Taeyong;Lee, Taedong;Lee, Dong Kun
    • Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
    • /
    • v.28 no.2
    • /
    • pp.101-112
    • /
    • 2019
  • Over the last few years, air pollution ($PM_{10}$, $PM_{2.5}$) in the Seoul metropolitan area (SMA) has emerged as one of the most concerned and threatening environmental issues among the residents. It brings about various harmful effects on human health, as well as ecosystem and industrial activities. Governments and individuals pay various costs to mitigate the level of air pollutants. This study aims to empirically find the willingness to pays (WTP) among the parents from different socio-cultural groups - international and domestic groups to mitigate air pollution ($PM_{10}$, $PM_{2.5}$) in their residential area. Contingent Valuation Methods (CVM) is used with employing single-bounded dichotomous choice technique to elicit the respondent's WTP. Using tobit (censored regression) and probit models, the monthly mean WTP of the pooled sample for green electricity which contributes to improve air quality in the region was estimated as 3,993 KRW (3.58 USD). However, the mean WTP between the international group and domestic group through a sub-sample analysis shows broad distinction as 3,325KRW (2.98 USD) and 4,449 KRW (3.98 USD) respectively. This is because that socio-cultural characteristics of each group such as socio-economic status, personal experience, trust in institutions and worldview are differently associated with the WTP. Based on the results, the society needs to raise awareness of lay people to find a strong linkage between the current PM issue and green electricity. Also, it needs to improve trust in the government's pollution abatement policy to mobilize more assertive participation of the people from different socio-cultural background.

A Study on the Basic Directions for Forest Rehabilitation Programs Considering to Economic and Social Conditions of North Korea (북한의 경제사회적 여건을 고려한 황폐산림복구 기본방향 연구)

  • Park, Kyung Seok;Lee, Seong Youn;Park, So Young
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.100 no.3
    • /
    • pp.423-431
    • /
    • 2011
  • The changes of forest degradation in North Korea have closely been related to political, economic and social conditions at all different times. The deforestation by local people for their livelihood has been accelerated when the recession has been worsened due to the 1990's collapse of socialism and the years of natural disasters, and the fall of the centralized and planned economy system. The serious recession in the 1990's has brought many changes in the North Korean society since the 2000's. Not only the underground economy, but also the market in which personal trades are occurred have been expanded as the distribution system of the planned economy system had fallen. In addition, even many state institutions have also increased timber harvest for export to acquire insufficient foreign currency. Eventually, North Korea felt the limits of utilization of forest resources under socialism then started to seek measures to restore devastated forest, while realizing the need of support from the international society. Therefore, some NGOs of South Korea started to give financial support on building tree nurseries in which seedlings for planting are produced to help the rehabilitation of the degraded forests in North Korea. Therefore, Planning of the basic directions for forest rehabilitation programs considering to economic and social conditions of North Korea are needed based on the successful rehabilitation experience of South Korea in the 1970's. First of all, relationships which was built after collapse of centrally planned economy between districts, businesses and workers must be consider to rehabilitate forests in North Korea. Secondly, due to the nature of forest rehabilitation projects this is very needs voluntary participation of resident for a long time, and then forest rehabilitation projects can create jobs for local resident, they can obtain continuous income on the forest rehabilitation projects field in order to promote resident's work in forest rehabilitation projects. Thirdly, the rate dependence on forests of the residents living must keep the level down by rural development projects going side by side with forest rehabilitation projects. Fourthly, use of exsisting forest management system in North Korea is also needed to ensure administrative power and labor for grand scale plantations in a short period of time. Meanwhile after the success of Forest Rehabilitation, it is very important to improve exsisting forest management system.

Evaluating the Strategic Reaction of Labor Union Movement toward Labor Reforms: The Two National Centers' Reaction toward Park, Guen-Hye Government's Labor Market Restructuring (노동개혁국면에 있어 노조운동의 대응전략에 관한 평가: 박근혜정부의 노동시장 구조개혁에 대한 양노총의 대응을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Byoung-Hoon
    • 한국사회정책
    • /
    • v.23 no.1
    • /
    • pp.1-23
    • /
    • 2016
  • This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.