Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.
Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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v.9
no.3
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pp.45-68
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2005
The political activity of women is relatively low. This is mainly because of the social-cultural attitude that confines women's role to housewives, rather than the structural problems that are related to political activities itself. This study has attempted to enhance the political activities of women by examining and providing the practical informations related to the hardships that are experienced by women who are pursuing a career both as a politician as well as a housewife. The sample of this study consisted of women who are assuming chief executives positions in organizations that are related to political activity, including local representatives of the national assembly. A case study was conducted by interviewing 8 female politicians. The contents of the study mostly consists of the personal situations (related to house lives) of these women. Semi-structured questionnaires were used, and the interview was conducted several times. First, the political careers of these women tended to start passively, rather than voluntarily. Second, the negative attitudes that were initially displayed by the family members and close relatives had changed positively through out the course of time. Close relatives, parents/parents-in-law were likely to become helpers of child care and household labor. The husband was likely to be a supporter of the wife's political career, and the children started to understand the roles of their mother as they grew up. Third, the female politicians perceived that the main impediments of women pursuing political careers were the sexually discriminating culture, rather than their own ability. Fourth, the fact that these women had to spend a lot of time outside the house has worsened the role conflict and difficulties of these women who are required to assume dual-roles. Furthermore, the difficulties that are faced publicly and privately has increased the psychological burdens of these women, since politicians, in general, are people who need to maintain their public image.
As global competition is intensifying, companies are entering not only developed markets but also emerging and developing countries. In emerging and developing countries, business-to-governmental relations are an essential factor influencing the firm performance. The purpose of this research is to examine the effects of corporate political activities on firm performance. Using the BEEPS data developed by the EBRD and the World Bank, the effect of various bribery activities regarded as corporate political activities on the firm performance was examined. Also, the moderating effect of competition type on the firm performance was proved. As the results, the bribery contribution, which is a corporate political activity, has a positive effect on the firm performance. Specifically, when infrastructure bribery occurred, costs and sales were higher, and when permission bribery was granted, profits, costs, and sales were higher. In addition, the effect of bribery as a corporate political activity on firm performance is moderated by competition type. These findings have academic and practical implications for empirical analyzing of SMEs' firm performance, guidelines suggestion for entry into the other countries, generalization possibility of using credible data, developing and designing export support systems and programs. Finally, limitations of the research and future research directions were discussed.
Political participation consciousness of social worker is changed and politics participation activity is putting forth with a bud. Currently, the systematic and scientific approach in study of social worker's the political participation is short. This study analyzes the present situation of political participation action and will present political participation action contents and direction in the future. This study may give practical meaning to the social welfare practice and educational scope about what we must do to become a political influence the group. The object of this study is 1229 people in choosing social welfare politics participation investigation committee data. A participation of Korean social worker appeared that a meeting or a demonstration is high when comparing the United States. Also, electioneers, and, government bureaucrat contact, financial contributions is a half experience. The strong variable in explaining social worker's the political participation was a politics efficacy, politics interest. Political efficacy and politics interest, a joining and a political behavior proposal of an association is a influenced factor. Through this result The Civic Volunteer Model is a theory to able to explain social worker's the political participation. Approach growing the political efficacy and politics interest is very important in activating politics participation. Role of a social welfare association or a group was important in order to induce politics participation and concentrate.
International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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v.22
no.10
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pp.57-66
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2022
The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.
Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.
This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.
This article assesses and examines democratic potentials of the Internet for U.S. citizens' political participation. The empirical analysis on the data from Pew Research Center's questionnaire survey focuses on four different political activities in both online and offline modes: casual political talk, contact with a government official, petition, and political contribution. The study answers two research inquiries: 1) How does the Internet influence the established patterns of political participation?; and 2) How does the Internet influence the demographic distribution of participatory inequality? Firstly, the Internet, by providing existing participants with additional tools for participation, reinforces conventional participation, rather than mobilizing new participation in politics. Secondly, the online patterns of the participation divide with respect to demographic characteristics imitate the traditional patterns of inequality and disproportionate representativeness in political participation. The Internet is still not a predominant medium for political activities. Citizens' utilization of its transformative and mobilizing potentials remains limited.
This paper examines political leaders' image based on the concepts of social identity and distance. These concepts come from the two ideas: (1) Individuals create events to confirm the sentiments that they have about themselves and others in the current situation. (2) During this process structured sets of beliefs (social identity) about attributes of various entities are formed. Statistical analysis of the data from college students in Seoul offers three main findings. First, attributes clustered into four major groups-sociability, responsibility, power and activity. Sociability concerns as sense of approval or disapproval that can elaborated into closeness and intimacy. Responsibility relates to the judgement of morality, public obligation, or other standards. Power refers to social power, physical magnitude and so on. Activity indexes an entity's spontaneity, which can be elaborate into judgements of agency, speed and so on, Second, respondents evaluate negatively political leaders at the dimensions of sociability, responsibility, and activity, They are positively evaluated only at the dimension of power. Third, political leaders who are felt to be closer than others seem to have more political support nowadays.
This study explores how major Korean television evening news report, interpret and evaluate the Korean Grand Canal Project(KGCP). For this research, 488 news clips regarding the KGCP are selected among the MBC, KBS and SBS daily evening news. As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the ratios of analyzing reports for MBC, brief reports for KBS, and straight news for SBS are outstanding. At the same time, the three news companies show that they are against the KGCP through the reporting attitudes. However, the most frequently broadcasted news frames is the authoritative political execution for both MBC and KBS, and the political agenda for SBS news respectively. In terms of the most frequently interviewed group for all three news is the government and ruling Grand National Party; they are the most favor of the authoritative political executions and the political agenda news frames. However, the NGO groups and the opposition parties which are against the KGCP support "Process" in terms of the frames activity. Finally, MBC speaks out the frame activity of "Process", supporting the political opposition parties and NGO groups. On the country, both KBS and SBS speak up the government and ruling party, supporting the KGCP, stressing frame activity of "Aspiration". This it concludes that both KBS and SBS are short of the social responsibilities as a social media mediator for the social disputes between the government and the NGO groups, including opposition parties.
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