This paper examines the constitutive relationship between realism and magical realism using a genealogical approach. Georg $Luk{\acute{a}}cs^{\prime}s$ The Theory of Novel and Gabriel García $M{\acute{a}}rquez^{\prime}s$ One Hundred Years of Solitude, as two founding texts of each genealogy, meet each other obliquely, sharing the most essential features. Even if realism and magical realism appear in opposition to each other in their political, cultural, epistemological outlooks, they in fact constitute the same truth regime in two different guises. Karen Tei Yamashita's Tropic of Orange interrogates this discursive regime of magical/realism, refusing to be contained within it. Her novel de-emphasizes the current idea of solidarity based on identity politics because it cannot resist effectively against the all-reifying power of globalization. Instead, she abandons the idea of imagination itself, and thus, tries to cease the dominant operative of magical/realism. On the temporary vacuum caused from such a conscious act of abandoning imagination, Tropic of Orange posits the urgent need to rethink 'solitude' and 'community', which already have been hopelessly compromised in the history of literary imagination as a global governmentality.
In this paper, the features and meanings of the Yocoanabo (cave tombs) excavated in the Gongju and Buyeo regions were examined. The creation of the Yocoanabo in the Korean Peninsula was related to the situation in which the powers of the Northern Kyushu (九州) and Yeongsangang (榮山江) River Basin played certain roles and maintained power in the interactions of Wa and Baekje in the late 5th century until the early 6th century. The people buried in the Yocoanabo in the Gongju and Buyeo regions are most closely related to the Buzen (豊前) area in northern Kyushu. They also interacted with the Yeongsangang River Basin communities. The Yocoanabo in Gongju and Buyeo confirms the settlement of the Wa people. There were collective settlements such as the Danjiri (丹芝里) site on the outskirts of Woongjin (熊津). However, most of them were mixed with small local groups located on the main roads connecting Woongjin and Sabi (泗?) through the Geum River and land routes. Unlike the keyhole-shaped tombs of the Youngsangang River Basin, the Yocoanabo was not built until the 7th century. This explains differences in the backgrounds of the two types of graves. The people buried in the Yocoanabo are considered to have settled in the Baekje Kingdom and to have been responsible for practical work in the political and economic negotiations between Baekje and Wa. They came to the Baekje Kingdom collectively in connection with certain historical events. However, it had been presumed that most of the people came individually and dispersed to the local communities of Gonju and Buyeo.
The chief mourners do their best to carry the dead and various things related to him in the departure of a funeral procession. "Sejongsillok" and "Gukjooryeui" had already written the national funeral supplies for carriage in detail in the early of Joseon period. But they were the standard book of national ceremony. The Ilbang of Gukjangdogam made the national funeral supplies for carriage in the late of Joseon; Daeyeo, Gyeonyeo, Yoyeo, Chaeyeo, Gaja etc. "Gukjangdogamuigye" explained these in detail; size, materials, made-place etc. I used "Gukjangdogamuigye" published in the late of Joseon to explain the national funeral supplies for carriage. Because Kingdom's ceremony in Joseon was representative to the country, it couldn't depend on an individual taste. King was the symbol of a nation and the star tin point of the political power at that time. So its ceremony was to show people the representative example as a national ceremony. The national funeral supplies for carriage carried the dead of King and various things related to him. Gukjangdogam managed them carefully. People thought that the mean of these things was equal to King's authority at that time. So these weren't the mere national funeral supplies for carriage, the symbolic instruments equal to King.
South Korea and Vietnam have been engaged in extensive political, economic and cultural exchanges since the establishment of diplomaticties in 1992. In March 2018, Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, made an official visit to Vietnam, a key partner of the New Southern Policy and discussed comprehensive cooperation measures, including expanding trade volume and measures to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. At the defense ministers' meeting held in April 2018, the two countries signed a joint defense and defense cooperation statement, which included promotion of maritime security, defense cooperation, UN PKO activities, excavation of remains, and joint military cooperation. Currently, Vietnam is facing territorial disputes with China over the South China Sea, and is stepping up military modernization and military buildup to counter this. In particular, Vietnam is strengthening its external military cooperation beyond ideology with the U.S., Russia, India and France to strengthen its maritime power. Against this backdrop, the bilateral cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam needs to expand beyond the traditional economic and cultural exchanges to military cooperation. The study aims to review the relationship between South Korea and Vietnam on the 26th anniversary of the normalization of diplomaticties and seek ways to develop military cooperation with Vietnam, which has grown to the next China. To that end, it analyzed Vietnam's security environment and military strategy and presented strategies for promoting military cooperation focusing on defense areas.
The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.
This study predicts and raises the changes that AI will bring to dance art when machine-based choreography began, and finds questions we can ask as human artists. Research suggests that one of the crises of dance in the era of machine creative arts is that artificial intelligence does not stay in the tool of human choreography but becomes the subject of choreography. It is based on the political discourse of choreography that artificial intelligence has the power to control and restrict human dancers. This comes from a sense of crisis that the AI takes over the area of choreography and the human choreographer remains an incompetent coordinator, and as a result, the dancer's dancing body can be reduced to a mechanical body controlled by AI. In order for these concerns not to become a reality, this study proposes three measures. First, choreographer and dancer should develop digital literacy to live in the age of AI art. Secondly, choreographer should acquire the ability to accurately distinguish the roles of human choreographer, dancer, and AI in creative work. Thirdly, various levels of discourse on AI dance should be formed by actively conducting mutual media research of dance and technology. Through these efforts, the human dancer will exist as a subject of art, not a passive agent in the new dance ecosystem brought by the innovation of artificial intelligence technology and will be able to face an era coexistence with artificial intelligence creativily and productively.
The coastal plains of the Puna and Ka' u Districts of the island of Hawaii are a contradiction to the popular view that the island of Hawaii is a tropical rain forest or a vegetated landscape with abundant water sour This section of the island lies in the rain shadow of Mauna Loa a Kilauea Volcanoes and receives less than 30 inches of annual precipita When rain does come. it is in the form of sudden down pours. givi residents of the area little time to collect and conserve water. Due to porous nature of the rock. there is no standing surface water. In spite of these harsh climatic conditions. archeological evidence indic that an extensive agriculture complex existed not only along the coast. into the most remote parts of what is called the Ka'u Desert. Pass through these agricultural areas are historic and pre - historic t systems. These trail systems apparently played a significant suppor role for exchange between the ahupua's (classic land divisions of Haw and the geopolitical districts. The question arises as to how could vast agricultural complexes a heavy foot travel over miles of arid land exist without dependable wa sources\ulcorner While planting - pits and mounds were designed to make most efficient use of available water and conserve moisture(Carter 19 9). people involved in planting also needed potable water for surv Most publications and research papers dealing with the early population this area make only oblique reference to springs and wells which t populations depended upon. The Federal Cave Resource Protection Act(1988) has served as imprtus for the National Park Service to look closer at the lava tu caves and fault cracks within Hawaii Volcanoes National Park. P visitors to these underground areas found large volumes of standing wa in fault cracks. and abundant drip areas with the lava tubes. Re observes noted that in most cases. where the cracks and caves we located in the arid sections of the park. there has been extens modifiacation or utilization of these water sources by the early Hawaii and others. The variety of western containers used for collection indica that these water sources were used during historic times. William E described similar water sources in his narrative of his trip around island in 1823(Eills 1979), This report is directed at documenting recent observations and a stimulating further research into early Hawaiian water collection syst It also explores the implications that power and political influence of e chiefs in the arid portions of Hawaii could have been linked to the con of the water resources.
South America has vast energy resources with the renewable and non-renewable sources. However, many countries in the region are unable to guarantee adequate energy security both of energy supply and demand. Currently the possibility of energy security is high through regional energy integration based on the potential economic benefits. The difference of regulation system with the individual countries in the region impose strong barriers to integration process. Security of energy supply and its demand as well is fundamental issues in this region and regional energy cooperation is essential for getting rid of the insecurity of energy supplies. Despite of this problem, currently Latin American countries made a great effort to make multilateral energy security regime through projecting great energy infrastructure network(e.g. IIRSA) or mechanism especially in South America, which can give countries access to the region's reserve supplies by providing regulations and pricing mechanism with a shared energy market in this region. Brazil's active leading in the formulation of such movement toward energy security integration and participation of energy infrastructure network is good initiative to enforce this great energy security change. Politically and economically, Brazil's geographical position and the level of market size and oil and natural gas resources, in addition the leadership in renewable energy sources make it a sound candidate to take over the coordination of the secure integration of region's energy market. However, on the conditions of existing many obstacles such as, control of the output of the region's power plant, energy flows, the environmental matter within local community must be overcome to make more advance process and steps. Finally, to secure more institutional approach, this region must settle regional disputes resolution regime urgently.
This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.
The main purpose of this study is to critically examine the existing theoretical as well as analytical scope of 'sexual minority' in Social Welfare, and to (re)construct and expand it incorporating feminist theories on sexuality. The body of literature on sexual minority or homosexuality in social welfare in Korea as well as in the West can be characterized as two distinct features: first, medical discourse leaning on pathological perspective which perceives homosexuality as a disease or defect, homosexual as a pervert; and second, human rights perspective premised upon the idea of diversity and multi-culturalism, both which are anchoring at 'essentialism.' Based upon the understanding of sexuality as a social construct, we argue that feminist insight on sexuality can lead to reconceptualizing homosexuality and reorienting theories and practices in social welfare. From radical feminism to postmodern queer theories, feminists have developed diverse ideas and complex theories on sexuality and homosexuality, including the concept of 'compulsory heterosexuality,' 'lesbianism as political resistance,' and 'performative gender.' For feminists, particularly, sexuality which is constructed in the complex power matrix of dominations to producing and maintaining inequalities and discriminations is not merely a distinctive variable, but one of the important organizational principles such as gender, class, race, age, and nationality. This epistemological principle will hopefully shed lights on alternative 'knowledge' on homosexuality in social welfare, and lead to significant contribution to its critical expansion in theory and practice.
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