• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.116-129
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• 1999

The objectives of the study mainly concentrated on identifying the political implication on genetically modified crops considering production potentials and problems. It is found that the comprehensive evaluation of the genetically modified crops could not be concluded and compromised in a word on account of the polarization and parallelism of the positive and negative benefits of genetically modified crops just like as the rail way. The genetically modified crops will be contributed to solving the food shortage problems in the world, when the issues such as food safety, ecological disturbance and loss and degradation of biodiversity can be guaranteed in transparency. And when the trade morality of the multi-national enterprises be accepted by the genetically modified crops consumers, the potentiality of genetically modified crops will be realized greatly. By the way, the first problems will be expected to be solved by scientific development. If the food safety of the genetically modified technology be verified in transparency, it will be greatly contributed to solve food problems of human beings in the world. But the second problem could not be expected to be easily solved from the view point of capital property. In conclusion, the genetically modified technology will be made a severe sense of incongruity and a seed of fire on it will be remained persistently. According to the results based on the analysing the genetically modified crops potentiality and problems, it was identified that the ex-ante preparation of counter-measures and actions on it should be necessary. Accordingly this study has recommended that how and what the R&D policy on genetically modified crops be established and suggested how to carried out the industrial and economic policy together with international negotiation, and organizational and institutional rearrangement and etc.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.369-381
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• 2018

Nowadays a personalization algorithm is gaining huge attention. It gives users selective information which is helpful and interesting in a deluge of information based on their past behavior on the internet. However there is also a fatal side effect that the user can only get restricted information on restricted topics selected by the algorithm. Basically, the personalization algorithm makes users have a narrower perspective and even stronger bias because users have less chances to get views of opponent. Eli Pariser called this problem the 'filter bubble' in his book. It is important to understand exactly what a filter bubble is to solve the problem. Therefore, this paper shows how much Google's personalized search algorithm influences search result through an experiment with deep neural networks acting like users. At the beginning of the experiment, two Google accounts are newly created, not to be influenced by the Google's personalized search algorithm. Then the two pure accounts get politically biased by two methods. We periodically calculate the numerical score depending on the character of links and it shows how biased the account is. In conclusion, this paper shows the formation process of filter bubble by a personalization algorithm through the experiment.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.16-21
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• 2022

사전학습 말뭉치는 위키백과 문서 뿐만 아니라 인터넷 커뮤니티의 텍스트 데이터를 포함한다. 이는 언어적 관념 및 사회적 편향된 정보를 포함하므로 사전학습된 언어 모델과 파인튜닝한 언어 모델은 편향성을 내포한다. 이에 따라 언어 모델의 중립성을 평가할 수 있는 지표의 필요성이 대두되었으나, 아직까지 언어 인공지능 모델의 정치적 중립성에 대해 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 척도는 존재하지 않는다. 본 연구에서는 언어 모델의 정치적 편향도를 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 지표를 제시하고 한국어 언어 모델에 대해 평가를 수행한다. 실험 결과, 위키피디아로 학습된 언어 모델이 가장 정치 중립적인 경향성을 나타내었고, 뉴스 댓글과 소셜 리뷰 데이터로 학습된 언어 모델의 경우 정치 보수적, 그리고 뉴스 기사를 기반으로 학습된 언어 모델에서 정치 진보적인 경향성을 나타냈다. 또한, 본 논문에서 제안하는 평가 방법의 안정성 검증은 각 언어 모델의 정치적 편향 평가 결과가 일관됨을 입증한다.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.53-94
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• 2021

This article pays attention to the gender representation of an abominable male abject that reveal class polarization in the movie Parasite. I seeks to read a new aspect of emotional politics in which a precariat man becomes a male patriarch while representing himself with an abhorrent position. Parasite shows a reversal of daughter and son responsible for parents, contrary to the existing family narrative. They teaches the parents' generation how to survive neoliberal that their place is created only when they take away others' place. However, after losing this prospect, Ki-woo confesses to his father that he is sorry first. Ki-taek also attempted to identify Dong-ik with the patriarch, but this male solidarity collapsed by class and committed murder in sudden anger. As a result, Gi-taek goes down to the hateful status of a stinking underground life, and Ki-woo receives a message of ethical reflection from his isolated father. The film gives the father and son the noble status of ethical fighter who fought against the structure of class polarization, especially the ending epilogue and narration emphasizing the ethical responsibility and mutual solidarity between father and son. In this process, the voices of female characters are gradually omitted, blurring gender screening for male characters. Parasite reveals the political reenactment strategy of precariat men in the age of neoliberalism, which is ethical subject by claiming to be a class abject himself. And representing the hate with gender-selecting, it is beautifying the responsible ethics of the patriarch.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.194-218
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• 2011

Focusing on the individuals' structural positions and roles in the internet discussion network, this research explores whether and how the opinion leaders' network characteristics are associated with the message quality and interpersonal influence in terms of attention-drawing and response-generation, which prior studies often failed to fully explicate. Findings suggest that discussion participants with high message quality occupy more central positions in the discussion network, thus enjoy more attention and responses of other following participants. However, opinion leader's network centralities, which tap the structural positions and unique roles in the online discussion network, systematically mediate the effect of the message quality on interpersonal influence. Moreover, significant interaction between opinion perception and network centrality was found only on the majority opinion group, rendering the entire discussion structure toward more enclaved deliberation and group polarization. Taken together, the results imply that the influence of the online opinion leader can only be substantiated with participant's central positions in the discussion network, which has been ignored by the prior opinion leadership research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.443-470
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• 2003

This study is to consider economic, political, socio-cultural and environmental characteristics of the new urbanization process and its spatial structures and urban policy of Seoul in the 1990s. Some experimental findings which have been identified throughout this study can be summarized as follows. First of all, Seoul, the largest city in S.Korea has experienced a restructuring process of economy, which has been promoted by the development of producer services as well as knowledge- based or high tech industries. Secondly, the autonomy of Seoul has increased after the introduction of local self-government, with relatively higher self-management of local finance than other cities, strengthening the tendency of enterpreneurialism, empowering civil movements, and increasing the political participation of women. Thirdly, in the socio-cultural aspect, the material wants to gain a certain identity through consumption, using urban environments culturally, varying consuming attitudes and ways of leisure times in relation with the rapid development of transportation and information communication. Fourthly, in the environmental aspect, Seoul has tried to introduce the concept of sustainable development in terms of increasing wants on the quality of life, and to develop a pro-environmental eco-city with environmental rehabilitation, constructing green space and eco-park. Finally, in the spatial dimension, Seoul has shown a structuration of multi-centers, with highly spectacular urban landscapes and seemingly authentic urban planning. These results make us confirm that Seoul has been in the process of new urbanization which can be distinguished from the previous one.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.97-122
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• 2011

After global economic crisis, most countries increased the welfare expenditure as a part of stimulus package. As a However welfare expenditure was decreased radically as the crisis was transmitted into the financial crisis. Which turning point is the welfare state going through now? Although the need for the welfare and the role of the state to take responsibility of public welfare has increased because of poverty and polarization, responses of the state against the crisis had focused on the aid to the financial industry and cutting taxes and showed limitations in coordination. Financial limitation of welfare expenditure, political individualism, the change of class politics and the mixture of the welfare institutions and financial institutions make have a pessimistic prospect of the retrenchment to the minimalist welfare state. As neoliberal state is continued cash benefits mainly for the middle class is being decreased. As a result, the direction the welfare states pursue is prospected to win over the poor by strengthening selectivity in welfare provision rather than class coordination.