• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.41-65
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• 2010

It is a matter for debate that which types of dispute may be resolved by arbitration. This problem is concerning the arbitrability of the subject-matter of a dispute. National laws establish the domain of arbitration. Each state decides which matters may or may not be resolved by arbitration in accordance with its own political, social and economic policy. In response to complexity and diversity of a social phenomenon, the dispute also is various, therefore can not be settled efficiently by means of court adjudication to which applies a law strictly. To overcome such problems we are going to seek to make use of arbitration. According to Korean Arbitration Act Art. 3 (1), any dispute in private laws would be the object of arbitral proceedings. For the promotion of fair and free competition, it is increasingly wide-ranging antitrust legislation across the world. It is matter for debate what can an arbitral tribunal do when confronted with an allegation that the contract under which the arbitration is brought is itself an illegal restraint of trade or in some other way a breach of antitrust law. The underlying question is how to accommodate the conflicting congressional policies favoring resolution of private controversies by arbitration and encouraging private suits to protect the public interests served by the antitrust laws. It is necessary to inquire into the arbitrability of antitrust issues on case-by-case basis, because the types of them are quite diverse. If antitrust issues are the dispute in private laws and the contracting parties agreed to submit to arbitration disputes which have arisen or which may arise between them in the antitrust issues, the antitrust disputes are arbitrable. Not only international antitrust disputes but also domestic antitrust disputes are capable of being resolved by arbitration. When the public interests in the enforcement of antitrust legislation are asserted, it is possible to justify the annulment or the refusal of the recognition or the enforcement of an arbitral award that ignores public policy as a matter of it.

• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.209-222
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• 1997

In this paper, we study a bargaining order problem where one buyer sequentially bargains with two sellers whose reservation prices are unknown to the buyer but correlated. Our main question is who the buyer should bargain first with to maximize his expected payoff. This type of problem is widely applicable to business and political situations where one party negotiates with multiple parties sequentially. One of the most important element in a sequential bargaining is "linkage effect" which exists when the aggreement of the previous bargaining affects the outcome of the following bargaining. To examine "linkage effect", we assume that the sellers'objects are similar so that the sellers' reservation prices are correlated. In addition, to consider incomplete information aspect regarding reservation prices, it is assumed that the sellers' reservation prices are unknown to the buyer. That is, we deal with one sided incomplete information case. In our model, there are two stages in each of which the buyer meets one seller. Since we are concerned with the bargaining order, we consider two different bargaining orders. Using game theory, we find a perfect Bayesian equilibrium and compute the buyer's expected payoff for each bargaining order. Finally we identify the advantageous bargaining order for the buyer by comparing the expected payoffs obtained under two different bargaining orders. Our results are as follows: the advantageous bargaining order depends on the prior probability of the seller type. However, in general, the buyer should bargain first with the seller whose object is less valuable to the buyer. The basic reason for our result is that the buyer wants to experiment in the first stage to find out the sellers' reservation prices and in doing so, to minimize the experimental cost and maximize potential gain in case of negotiation failure in the first stage. in the first stage.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.751-754
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• 2007

This research executes recognition research on politics realities to highschool students. Their evaluation under 60 point was 48.5%, between 61 and 70 was 36.5%. It shows that most high school students recognize that politics realities is not good. Specially, evaluation of qualities of politician under 60 points was 63.1%. On the other hand, the biggest problem which they think was politicians. This response was 64.1%, it's the highest rate. And they response that the thing needed for developing our country were : first, improvement of politician's qualities, it's 64.1%. second, changing politics culture, it's 11.2%, third, improving government system, it's 9.5%. fourth, reforming politics system. It tells us most respondents think that politicians should improve their qualities. And in question for improving awareness of politics of young people, they answered visiting a political party(26.7%), education of politics (24.1%), a mock politics programs(21.9%).

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.121-140
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• 2019

China, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan have a singular political relationship. This distinctive relationship creates a unique impact on the nationality of the arbitral awards among the said countries. Each of these regions does not adopt the arbitral award of the other party as either a foreign arbitration award or a domestic arbitration award, but separately adopts the arbitral award in different jurisdictions within the same country. Therefore, in order to approve and enforce their arbitral awards in other areas, they have no choice to apply special laws or the conventions concluded between them, neither the New York Convention nor the individual arbitration laws in those areas. Therefore, this paper reviewed the convention and self-established laws among China, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regarding the approval and execution of the other arbitral awards. In addition, the domestic laws in China, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan are compared with the New York Convention to ascertain the criteria for distinguishing domestic and foreign arbitral awards. This study also compared and analyzed what criteria were established for the determination of the nationality of the arbitral awards in the domestic law or the convention concluded in pan China. Through the analysis of these contents, the characteristics and problems of criterion for the determination of nationality among China, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan were identified. Based on the results, this study examined the precautions Korean companies entering these regions should use in the arbitration system in these areas.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.76
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• pp.31-60
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• 2016

The task of this essay deals with the China's Cultural Rise in analizing the power of media and 'Go Global' policy. The phenomena of Chinese cultural hegemony over Asia beg study. I review the Chinese cultural industry going global. The notion of cultural hegemony is introduced in this study, in order to explain the rise of China accelerating a penetration and influence of Chinese cultural capital and its power. A peaceful rise of China links to its cultural hegemony over Asian countries. Currently, China has not sufficiently enjoyed the soft power due to its lack of globally accepted ideological dynamics in China's culture and media. But in the near future, market-driven Chinese cultural capital and contents will replace Korean ones.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2009

The eminent brother doctors Cho-Gaek Hur (Young Hur) and Cho-Sam Hur (Eon Hur) represent the medical tradition of the southeastern region of Mt. Jirisan incluiding Sancheong. This study investigated and examined their herediatary testimonies and medico-historical facts described in the literature tale, genealogy and family collection of works. At an early age after their family run away to the southern region from the harm of political struggle, they gave up taking the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials and set their heart on learning medicine. Their choice of medicine was the second best plan for the survival of their family and descendents from the influence of their ancestors who suffered from the party strife during the late Joseon Dynasty. The case is a good example of the deliberate action of the nobility intellectuals since the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties to who made attempts to have the minimum elegance and cause while securing livelihood after they have been collapsed politically. The tale of Cho-Gaek and Cho-Sam is a typical story of eminent doctors which combined reality and fiction about the persons who had outstanding medical skills. In the tale, the elder brother was good at herbal prescriptions and the younger brother was good at acupuncture, contrasting the treatment of administrative internal medicine and insertive acupuncture treatment. It shows that the prepositions for the choice of the treatment method for the public during that period were safety and fast efficacy. In their old age, they wrote a book titled Jinyangsinbang. Another Jinwoosinbang is estimated as a different kind of copy, which was a medical writing from experience that derived from the same original book as Jinyangsinbang. written by Cho-Gaek Hur and it is a valuable medical material that possesses the distinct features of the local medicine during the late Joseon Dynasty. Most of the contents are variations in application using the basis of Dongeuibogam, forming the roots of the traditional Korean medicine in Sancheong region together with the medical activities of the Hur brothers.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Building Construction
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• v.14 no.6
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• pp.591-596
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• 2014

This study investigates the perception of the sunken costs of an urban development project, which is currently a social problem through a questionnaire survey. The results indicate that local and federal governments, political authorities, association members, landowners, etc. partially recognize their responsibility in bearing the sunken cost. It is also found that all stakeholders who participated in the maintenance project felt shared responsibility of bearing the sunken costs and exchanging solutions to mitigate the same, rather than making one party deal with the same. This study also suggests that with regard to reducing these sunken costs, the public sector should offer indirect support (by bearing the cost of infrastructure, tax benefits, regulation relaxation, etc.) rather than direct support so that the association members can make a reasonable choice on the project execution.