• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.61-79
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• 2020

Purpose - This article empirically investigated the effects of the socio-political factor of censorship preconditioning, and organizational support, mediating performance expectancy of public sector officials' behavioural intention to utilise social media in a post-communist country, Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This study collected 212 survey data from public sector organisations in Mongolia. Using the Partial Least Squire (PLS) method, this study analyzed the proposal model grounded on the UTAUT model. Findings - There are still communist footprints in the form of censorship, which remained as a negative precondition factor, and this has an indirect negative influence, and organisational support mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Effort expectancy and social influence factors have direct positive influence on the use of social media systems in the government domain of Mongolia Research implications or Originality - This study empirically investigated the model of public employees' intention to examine the post-communist countries' cultural, social, economic, and political systems, government organisational environment of the former communist sphere. The cultural factors, censorship and organisational support, to the existing IT adoption UTAUT model were also identified to test the situation of a post-communist country, Mongolia. This study contributes to the new theoretical involvement with social media by testing a new social media-based third-party intercommunication channel, including intent to use in the public service for post-communist countries. This study practically provides the guidelines to promote social media usage for public sector in the post-communist situation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.19-33
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze on the changes of opinion in terms of Sejong City construction using big data. The research data are newspaper articles related to the argument of construction in Sejong City. The newspaper article data was reported by Hankyoreh, Dong-A Ilbo and Hankook Ilbo. The arguments related to the construction of Sejong City was included the new administrative capita, multifunctional administrative city and amendments of Sejong City. The analysis method used in this study is frequency analysis, sentiment analysis and social network analysis using python and gephi 0.9.2 programs. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, as a result of frequency analysis, the keywords of Hankyoreh showed the characteristics of consent - consent - dissent according to the construction period of Sejong City. The Dong-A Ilbo showed positions of dissent - dissent - consent. In addition, the Hankook Ilbo was analyzed to have the characteristics of dissent - consent - dissent tendency. Secondly, results of sentiment analysis, The Hankyoreh showed positive - positive - negative tone. The characteristic of Dong-A Ilbo is that the focus has changed from negative to negative to positive. The Hankook Ilbo showed that changed from negative to positive to negative. Finally, the results of social network analysis are as follows. At the time of the construction of Sejong City, each opinion of media was showed a changes in issues according to political and ideological characteristics such as conservative, progressive and moderation. In detail, Hankyoreh focused on balanced regional development. The Dong-A Ilbo represented the opinion of the Conservative Party. The Hankook Ilbo was highlighting the issues confronting the conservative party and progressive party during the construction of Sejong City.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.57
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• pp.3-34
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• 2013

In the international sales contract, long-term contracts often face hardship in fulfilling the original contract terms by relevant parties due to rapid change and uncertainty of political and economic circumstance. In this case, party who faces hardship of fulfillment terminates contract or demands adaptation to contract condition but if opponent doesn't accept this, it proceeds to commercial dispute needing legal interpretation. Generally it is wise to set forth governing law in contract between parties in the case of international contract, for legal stability. One of universal governing law which relevant parties select by agreement to solve economical hardship of fulfillment is PICC. PICC defines the hardship in detail for renegotiation on following hardship of fulfillment unexpected. In the case of failing renegotiation, Court(arbitral tribunal) conducts termination to contract or adaptation to contract condition through arbitration or mediation. In conclusion, when signing international long-term contract, it is desirous to handle dispute effectively by inserting provisions which can deal with economical hardship in contract or defining PICC as governing law in the case of hardship incurred. It is because it is realistic to handle dispute smoothly to the extent that both parties can be satisfied in the case of hardship incurred, though international contract should be fulfilled.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2004

The role of the financial institution to promote corporate sustainability may be reviewed in two angles, as a commercial lender and an investor. As a commercial lender, financial institutions should minimize the legal risks and the political risks. Financial institutions began to recognize environmental risks as legal risks that directly affect their lending practices since the legislation of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act("Superfund") of the U.S.A. The so-called lender liability rule has a detailed guideline where the financial institutions may be exempted from the Superfund Liability. Similar attempts are noticed in the recent EU White Paper on Environmental Liability. In Korea, comprehensive environmental liability laws are yet to be developed. The Soil Environment Preservation Act now includes a far-reaching environmental liability provisions, where the owners and operators as well as receivers of the facility bear responsibility. However, whether the financial institutions may be captured as a potential responsible party is not very clear. Until the relevant legislation is developed and court decisions accumulate, Korean financial institutions are well advised to raise awareness on this issue, to develop environmental policies and to train personnels.

• Journal of Urban Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.41-49
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• 2020

This study analyzed the factors affecting economic growth using multiple regression model and Geographically Weighted Regression in consideration of population, industry and employment, housing and political characteristics on economic growth by region. The analysis results are summarized as follows. First, the total employment growth rate, manufacturing employment growth rate, local election turnout and the level of party consensus between the central and local governments are having a positive impact on regional economic growth. Second, according to the GWR analysis, the population has a positive impact on economic growth in the southern region of Korea, and the increase in the total number of employees has a positive impact on the southern region of Gyeonggi Province, Gangwon Province, North Chungcheong Province and North Gyeongsang Province. Finally, the voter turnout of urbanites is positively affecting economic growth in South Chungcheong Province, Gangwon Province and the southern coast, while North Jeolla and South Jeolla provinces have a positive impact on economic growth as the parties of the central and local governments are equal. The results of this study may suggest the role of local government for regional economic development.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.20-31
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• 2008

A person's external image is a non-verbal form of communication, through which the person's tastes, mode of thought, preferences, and overall personality is expressed. The dominant factor in building an external image is clothing, since clothing-images provide the most information about a person in the least amount of time. This study aims to investigate the relationship between the clothing- images of women politicians and the improvement of women's social status in Korea, by focusing on changes in clothing-image of female politicians at public functions throughout modern Korean history, and inquiring into the method of classification concerning aforementioned images. The time period of this study starts from 1945, when the first female political party was established, to the 2008 presidential elections. The methodology of this study consists of literature study of related books, theses and journals, which was jointly conducted with empirical study consisting of the research of news photographs of major daily newspapers. This study confirmed the clothing images of women politicians since liberation till 2000's reflects the directions of women's movement and their status in return. It is especially meaningful that the sudden increase of romantic and feminine images among the women politician in Korea is the reflection of the ideas of postmodern feminism which emphasize the acknowledgement of womanhood and the enjoyment of being a woman as its core.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.