• Journal of Korean Association for Spatial Structures
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• v.7 no.1 s.23
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• pp.87-94
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• 2007

An economic analysis is one of the most important factor to determine tile project feasibility. In some mega project, however, it is not unique factor to make a Go or No-Go decision because of overriding this work, an economic aspect by some project indirect factor such as political, social, environmental and technical factor, etc. The purpose of the this study is to investigate the cost model effects of spatial structure.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.24 no.8
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• pp.63-80
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• 2020

Purpose - Recent empirical studies have shown that FDI is expected to be strongly associated with democratic governance, political stability, and sound macroeconomic conditions of the host country. We attempt to take it a step further to see if governments implement a major change in institutional characteristics, will the institutional reform toward better governance have a substantive effect in enhancing FDI inflows. This paper thus aims to analyze the importance of good governance as an important factor in the attractiveness of FDI inflows in ASEAN+3 (Korea, China, Japan) countries. Design/methodology - To determine the effects of good governance on FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries recorded between 1996-2018, the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) are used to investigate the impact of good governance on FDI inflows. The model has been estimated by using fixed effects to show the robustness of the results. Findings - Our main findings can be summarized as follows: Political Stability, Rule of Law, and Voice and Accountability have a statistically significant impact on the inflow of FDI in the ASEAN+3 Countries, especially for Korean economy. Moreover, GDP growth continue to exert their positive influence. However, Regulatory Quality, Government Effectiveness and Control of Corruption, though equally important, are insignificant to attract FDI inflows. The key finding is that good governance has a significant impact on inward FDI in the ASEAN+3 countries. Originality/value - Existing studies focus on the impact of political factors on FDI across countries. This paper instead attempts to investigate which type of good governance is the most important in promoting FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries, which is essential for multinationals to consider when choosing a foreign site as a possible FDI destination.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.20-36
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• 2020

Purpose - As the global product network expands through both internationalization and diversification of the multimodal transportation system, corporate strategies have shifted to emphasize the importance of a high value-added international logistics system. To guide policies and strategies to attract relevant industries, this study aims to analyze the location competitiveness of regional logistics distribution center to serve Northeast Asia. Design/methodology - Multi-criteria techniques are considered to offer a promising framework for evaluating decision-making factors. This paper employed an analytic hierarchy process to analyze the hierarchal structure of determinants for selecting the location of a regional logistics distribution center. Adopting both qualitative and quantitative evaluations, this study suggest political implications for a regional logistics distribution center development, such as the direction of political support, service differentiation and infrastructure development. Findings - This study developed a location competitiveness evaluation model, based on the case study of the major port-cities in Northeast Asia. Evaluation model incorporates five factors underpinning 17 components extracted using factor analysis. The results revealed that the logistics factor is the most significant factor for evaluating the competitiveness of a regional logistics distribution center. The remaining factors were market, costs, and services environment. Comparing qualitative and quantitative evaluations, results provide useful insights for a regional logistics distribution center development in Northeast Asia. Originality/value - This study revealed differences between qualitative and quantitative evaluations. The finding implies that prior works on evaluation models of competitiveness has not successfully measured the gap between quantitative data and expert' evaluations. To overcome this limitation, this paper considered both actual data such as actual distance, cost, the number of companies located, and expert opinions.

• Survey Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.51-78
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• 2004

This paper examines political leaders' image based on the concepts of social identity and distance. These concepts come from the two ideas: (1) Individuals create events to confirm the sentiments that they have about themselves and others in the current situation. (2) During this process structured sets of beliefs (social identity) about attributes of various entities are formed. Statistical analysis of the data from college students in Seoul offers three main findings. First, attributes clustered into four major groups-sociability, responsibility, power and activity. Sociability concerns as sense of approval or disapproval that can elaborated into closeness and intimacy. Responsibility relates to the judgement of morality, public obligation, or other standards. Power refers to social power, physical magnitude and so on. Activity indexes an entity's spontaneity, which can be elaborate into judgements of agency, speed and so on, Second, respondents evaluate negatively political leaders at the dimensions of sociability, responsibility, and activity, They are positively evaluated only at the dimension of power. Third, political leaders who are felt to be closer than others seem to have more political support nowadays.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.115-159
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• 2018

This paper situates 63 provinces of Vietnam on a two-dimensional governance space, according to their levels of both economic and political governance, and systematically explains the two-dimensional distribution of provincial governance. It presents three sets of explanatory factors: the amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) that each province has attracted, the combination of provincial urbanization and population density, and the North Central Coast region factor. Provinces that score high in both economic and political governance tend to have received a good amount of FDI and to be highly urbanized and densely populated whereas provinces that score low in both governance dimensions tend to have the opposite characteristics. Provinces that are high in economic governance but low in political governance are those that have received the greatest amount of FDI and tend to be highly urbanized yet relatively sparsely populated. Provinces that are high in political governance but low in economic governance are characterized by a relatively small amount of FDI, low urbanization, and high population density. Finally, provinces in the North Central Coast region tend to score very high in political governance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.57-70
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• 1989

The purpose of study is to analyze the spatial population distribution and accessibility of network in urban areas. This study examines the forty-six political subdivision cities in Korea at the end of 1983, except the four metrpolitans (Seoul, Pusan, Daeku and Incheon). Evaluation indexes are classified the spatial pupulation distribution and accessibility of network. To analyze the cities, 10 indexes and the statistical techniques such as descriptive analysis, correlation analysis, factor analysis and cluster analysis were used. According to the results of cluster analysis, 15 cities (Ulsasn, Suwon, Bucheon, Chungju and etc.) are classified dispersed cities and another 15 cities (Kwangju, Daejun, Sungnam, Mokpo and etc.) are classified concentrated cities.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.