• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.44
• /
• pp.108-143
• /
• 2008

Candidate images refer to a holistic impression of a candidate which is composed of various dimensions of attributes. This study investigated how online and offline news media, campaign media such as political ads, televised debates, and candidate web-sites, and interpersonal political talk influenced voters' images of a candidate in such dimensions as personal traits, job-performance abilities, and policy capabilities, and further their political decision making in the 17th presidential election in Korea. The analysis focused on President Lee, Myung Bak who won the election by obtaining nearly 50% of the effective votes. According to the data analyses, first, uses of offline newspapers positively influenced voters' images of candidate Lee's personal traits such as his morality, integrity, trustworthiness, and compassion, yet online news uses had an opposite effect on voters' impression of his job-performance and economic policy capabilities. Secondly, among various campaign media, television ads and candidate web-sites positively contributed to the formation of candidate Lee's images, yet showed little direct effect on vote choice, indicating that campaign media mainly indirectly influenced voters' political decision making. Each of the first, second, and third televised candidate debates revealed unique effects on image formation and vote choice. Thirdly, the network size and frequency of political talk negatively influenced image formation regarding candidate Lee's personal traits and economic policy capabilities, yet the discussion network size positively contributed to the Lee votes. Forth, among various dimensions of candidate images, voters' perceptions of candidate Lee's personal traits appeared to be the most significant predictor of the support for him.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.65-79
• /
• 2013

This paper examines communication patterns of key Twitter users by considering the socially and politically controversial Sejong City issue in South Korea. The network and message data were drawn from twtkr.com. Social network-based indicators and visualization methods were used to analyze political discourse among key Twitter users over time and illustrate various types of Tweets by these users and the interconnection between these key users. In addition, the study examines general Twitter users' participation in the discussion on the issue. The results indicate that some Twitter profiles of media outlets tend to be very dominant in terms of their message output, whereas their Tweets are not likely to be circulated by other users. Noteworthy is that Twitter profiles of individuals who are geographically affiliated with the issue are likely to play an important role in the flow of communication.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.245-279
• /
• 2009

UCC, an abbreviation for User Created Contents, is not only a symbol of desire but also a product of creativity that a producer contains his or her subjective disposition. More and more UCC tend to have significantly increased in Web 2.0 environment. However, the research on the contents as a creative product has rarely been processed. It may be fairly said that this results in the indifference of researchers in the special field like the political contents since UCC is usually produced by amateurs. Producers' various desire is unlikely revealed, which leads to the flow of users into open media such as the Internet. It could also be available to represent the property, of plural visual language signs in a field. Moreover, UCC has the attribute of re-mediation in effective communication, so the differences between the semiotic properties in the Internet contents could be a significant material for researches. This could contribute to establish a theoretical system for the visual communication. Therefore, this study aims to analyse the signification of the political video UCC, . To develop this analysis, I apply Greimas' Generative Trajectory of Signification Theory to the text, or the UCC. He classifies it as three structures: deep structure, superficial structure, and discourse structure. As a result, the text shows meaningful contents delivering core political messages. In addition, this approach could exam that 'Obama Syndrome' in American recent presidential campaigns is caused by web 2.0 based on Internet campaigns including video UCC.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.62
• /
• pp.119-139
• /
• 2013

Star is riddled with myth while they form the star power and support advertisers for profit realization. Their influence on society and audiences grows day by day. In particular, advertisers depend on star power when they sell their products. This article analyzed the nature of the star power dominating media resources and offering the distorted picture of consumer culture. I take a political economic view of consumer capitalism and star. The article shows how stars contribute to the accumulation of capital and defense of class relations in the consumer culture.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
• /
• v.13 no.7
• /
• pp.39-60
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine new types of political participation using the new media of digital convergence generation. For this purpose, groups were classified according to age and characteristics of media usage to investigate whether there are differences in media-related tendencies, SNS and characteristics of Smartphone usage political-related characteristics, and political participation by types. The results of the study is that the media usage characteristics by generation showed a difference between groups according to the high and low motivation for using media, and there was a generation differences in politics-related characteristics and types of political participation. Digital generation showed lower political involvement, political efficiency and offline political participation than Web 1.0 generation. In addition, political efficacy showed the moderating effect that had the greatest effect on political participation by types.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.19
• /
• pp.295-327
• /
• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.29
• /
• pp.189-231
• /
• 2005

This study examined image restoration strategies of political parties regarding the Presidential impeachment In Korea. The analytic framework of this study was Benoit's rhetorical theory of image restoration strategies. Results showed that both Hanara Party and Minju Party used attack accuser as a major image restoration strategy. However, Hanara Party changed their strategies from attack accuser to future oriented. Thus, Hanara Party's image restoration strategy successfully applied Coombs theory, which future oriented strategy was good for an organization of the high responsibility in the context of crisis situation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.77
• /
• pp.9-35
• /
• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.48
• /
• pp.109-134
• /
• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
• /
• v.37 no.1
• /
• pp.83-107
• /
• 2006

We share the critical mind about the decolonization of Library & Information Science(LIS) and Political Science in Korea. We did a bibliographical study on the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea. Concretely, we traced the decolonization discourse of the scholars of the Political Science in Korea, and wrote their abstracts. Finally, this study provided the general view of their decolonization discourse. This study covers the decolonization discourse from 1945 to 2005. This bibliographical review may show the possibility of communication between LIS and social sciences in Korea, and can support the development of the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea.