• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.151-161
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• 2013

This research is an effort to clarify the causes associated with the 'failure' of public housing projects built in the 20th century. Two of the most brutal symbol of failure were selected: the Pruitt-Igoe built in St. Louis, U.S.A. and the Bijlmermeer in the south of Amsterdam, Netherlands. Many critics have attributed the problems of the selected housing projects to architectural failure, and proposed a series of new approaches to architectural design. The claim that many housing projects 'failed' because they were based on an agenda for social reform, derived from the ideas of the CIAM, presupposes that architects were in the position of authority over providing housing for the poor. This research tries to overturn the belief of architectural community which has placed the responsibility for the failure of public housing on designers. The sense of isolation and powerlessness felt by the residents, and the social problems attendant on those feelings, may be reinforced by design but is not caused by Modern Architecture. It should be stressed that the political-economic and social context is more significant than the architectural design for the failure of public housing projects such as the Pruitt-Igoe and the Bijlmermeer.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.5-26
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• 2018

Joseph S. Nye defined soft power as the power of attraction to affect the behavior of other states through the use of non-coercive instruments including culture, political values and foreign policy. Over the last two decades, environmental issues have grown in importance on the international agenda and become critical components of states' foreign policy-making. This paper aims to analyze environmental foreign policy as a soft power instrument focusing on two major rising powers: China and India. Traditionally, China and India had been reluctant to make any commitments in the field. However, they have shown greater willingness to act in global environmental governance in the past decade. They started playing more active roles in global climate change negotiations and supported a number of initiatives. Their current rise in global environmental governance has even been praised by the international community as the Paris agreement case demonstrated. This study evaluates China's and India's recent efforts in global environmental governance with a focus on climate change negotiations linking their constructive position to their soft power potential. It is argued that environmental issues are used by these two states as foreign policy strategy to gain more influence in international politics. This study finds out that China's climate-related environmental diplomacy has been more ambitious than that of India and thus has been closer to fulfill its potential as a soft power asset.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.197-206
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• 2011

This study proposes the "Smart Learning" as a next generation for e-Learning, and focuses on developing policy for smart learning industry. Especially, this study's purpose is proposing a political agenda for smart learning industry as a knowledge-based industry. This study process for the realization of this purpose is belows: first, analyzing status of industry and policy in decades, second, finding problems and solutions, and finally, proposing the core subjects focused on practical value. And this study also focuses on the development of new policy suitable characteristics of the smart learning.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.27-32
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• 2009

The private security will overcome the limit of public police system and implement a small and efficient government concept. Especially in recent years, this security system has naturally been expanded in its functions from crime prevention to prevention of disasters. To manage the emergency by the private security industry, the private security services to involve some peculiarity and specialty. The policy agenda of private security industry for crisis management are suggested. First of all, to provide quality services for emergency management, the guards from private organizations should receive professional education and training to secure the specialty. Second, we need to improve the quality of security instructors with intensive education system for them. Security instructors should be able to effectively handle lots of different matters in the fields of security, but examination of the current curriculum of education for security instructor indicates that there is not much chance of it. Third, must be natural in light that the private organizations have some limitations in their operational capabilities and scopes. Private security duties are well established in cooperation with related institutions such as the police. Lastly, development of high quality crisis management commodities in the private security becomes even more significant. The government should be determined to make an effort to grow the private industry and foster a political environment for the same purpose.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.10-17
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• 2018

China media environment has drastically changed leading to the an inevitable change of public opinion ecology. Empirical studies have focused less on public opinion guidance, which forms an important component of the government officials' media literacy. This study applied quantitative method in the investigation of media literacy in China. Ideally, media literacy is measured from media cognition, media contact, media usage under the view of public opinion guidance. The findings reveal that the existing problem on 1) incorrect media cognition and public opinion guidance; 2) insufficient contact of personal social media 3) improper tendencies in the use of media to guide the public opinion, especially, on confidential information. Consequently, in order to improve media literacy in China government officials, enhancement of their basic knowledge on news diffusion and public opinion is necessary. Secondly, to effectively deal with "agenda settings", it is important for the government to consider the provision of valuable information and platforms to effectively spread information. So they need to learn how to personally and officially use social media platforms such as Weiboa and Wechat. This ensures they have maximized their potential to acquire valuable information and spread them on valuable platforms. Thirdly, government officials should be able to analyze and understand public opinion trends for official and personal use. Finally, they should understand the development of public opinion and the how online public opinion laws are formed and the target group.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.8
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• pp.421-431
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• 2021

This study investigates the empirical linkages between ASEAN countries' institutional quality and financial inclusion using country data from 2008-2019. In this paper, six governance indicators from the World Governance index are used to measure the impact of institutions on financial inclusion. The PCA method's financial inclusion index is constructed from 3 indicators: penetration, access, and usage: penetration, access, and usage with six indices respectively as the number of ATMs per 1000 km², the number of bank branches per 1000 km², the number of ATMs per 100,000 people and the number of bank branches for 100,000 adults, the ratio of credit to private to GDP, and the ratio of deposit to private to GDP. Regression analysis with the Generalized Moments method shows the positive impact of institutions and other control variables like GDP per capita, inflation, bank concentration, and human development index on financial inclusion. Therefore, this study recommends that the government and policymakers in countries pursue the financial inclusion agenda to pay attention to the financial and economic indicators and institutional factors. This is because many savers, borrowers, and investors may not be protected when financial contracts are enforced or breaches occur in an environment where economic, legal, judicial, and political institutions are weak, such as in ASEAN countries.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-25
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• 2022

East Asia's Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) came into force in 2022 as the world's largest free trade agreement. RCEP was concluded, signed and brought into force in the face of major international uncertainty and is a significant boost to the global trading system. RCEP brings Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand into the same agreement with the ten member ASEAN group at its centre. It keeps markets open and updates trade and investment rules in East Asia, a major centre of global economic activity, at a time of rising protectionism when the WTO itself is under threat. The agreement builds on ASEAN's free trade agreements and strengthens ASEAN centrality. One of the pillars of RCEP is an economic cooperation agenda which has its antecedents in ASEAN's approach to bringing along its least developed members and builds on the experience of capacity building in APEC and technical cooperation under the ASEAN Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. There is an opportunity to create a framework that facilitates deeper economic cooperation that involves experience-sharing, extending RCEP's rules and membership at the same time as strengthening political cooperation. The paper suggests some areas that might be best suited to cooperation - that is confidence and trust building instead of or before negotiation - and discusses how non-members may be engaged and the membership expanded. Options such as multilateralising provisions and becoming a platform for policy convergence and coordinating unilateral reforms are canvassed.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.463-470
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• 2016

This experimental research as media effect study explores the effect of the current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination widely spread by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of domestic audience. Proceeding studies about media effect dealt mainly with news contents of TV, newspaper and internet. However studies on the effect of current documentary as non news contents on audience that provide us with profound information by various subjects are very few. Especially it is difficult to find studies about disaster documentary dealing with radioactive contamination having much effect on global environment. Accordingly this research implemented experimental study to find out the effect of current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of audience. This research found that subjects exposed to the current documentary considered outdated nuclear power plant more seriously, supporting the opposition party more positively, claiming shutdown of outdated nuclear power plant, and opposing additive construction of nuclear power plant than subjects not exposed to the current documentary.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.43-71
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• 2005

The study attempts to introduce 'Gotcha Journalism' to the Korea journalism, research and analyze it. Gotcha journalism is the journalistic reporting attitude that the journalists repeatedly and intensively reports public figures, especially politicians' mistakes or happening. 'Gotcha' is abbreviation of "I got you", frequently used in the English and American culture. In order to get the goal of this study, several journalists who are currently working for Chosun, Joongang, Dong-a, Hangyore, Kyunghyang and Seoul, national covering daily newspapers. In addition, the reporters who work for KBS, MBC, and SBS were Interviewed. All journalists who have been worked more than 5 years at the politic department were selected as interviewees. Thus, Intensive interviews are prime source of this study. Based the result of the research, gotcha journalism is externally derived from obsessive interest of Korean people to politics. Internally, it is easy to report happening or mistakes rather than big argument or ideological agenda of the politicians as news for journalists and to catch readers. In addition, the competition with advertising income accelerates this situation. And gotcha journalistic reporting behavior or attitude highly relates to political propensity of the newspapers or broadcastings. Especially some of the newspapers take gotcha journalism as a political struggling tool. It is appeared that another major cause for gotcha journalistic reporting behavior is customer-driven news production.