• 미국학
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• 제42권2호
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• pp.79-107
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• 2019

This article explores the photographic work of North American artist Jeff Wall. While his photographic work has been much discussed in terms of aesthetics and composition highlighting his methodological appropriation of modernist painters such as Eduard Manet and Piet Mondrian, the political aspect of his work remains to be investigated. This article especially unpacks the complicated dialectical relationship between the formal aesthetics and the political nature of his works by visiting his photographic work in the context of contemporary debates on the contradiction and conflicts between aesthetics and politics in photographic form. Ultimately, this article argues that Wall's photograph acquires its political meaning by problematizing the reified social representation of the other in a way in which the materiality and/or otherness of the photographic object is registered within the photographic frame and by representing the violence of the social representation and the un-representability of the object/other.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제16호
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• pp.257-272
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• 2013

This paper analyzes six different ways of articulating the relationship between art and politics. It calls attention to the differences that lurk behind the seemingly simple phrase-everywhere in vogue today-the "politics of aesthetics." Five of these models are drawn from contemporary discussions regarding the politics of art. The last model is the attempt to develop an account of the politics of aesthetics that is faithful to the difficult and ambiguous dimensions of the aesthetic experience that were hinted at by the texts of classical philosophical aesthetics. Most notably, this paper is concerned with the idea that the aesthetic experience can be understood as a form of disinterested contemplation-one that is not reducible to cognitive or moral considerations-and with some of the consequences that this entails. It explores some of the political significance that can be attributed to this idea of disinterested contemplation, arguing that the aesthetic should be understood as a withdrawal from the world's pre-established meanings. Unlike some of the other thinkers discussed in this paper, this author doubts that a single, uniform meaning can be ascribed to the aesthetic experience. I thus argue that we need to approach the aesthetic through the networks of textual significance that have been built up around it. Throughout this paper, I attempt to explain how the efforts to link art and aesthetics to politics simultaneously give rise to ideas about the nature of the human community. In looking at the sixth and final model, what I have called the "anarchical politics of aesthetic ambiguity," I argue that the aesthetic tradition offers a rather unique way of understanding the relationship between the individual and the community. Here, we see that the aesthetic is prone to a number of paradoxes, central among them the one that makes art the bearer of a solipsistic pleasure in which we nevertheless discover our capacity for genuinely communicating with others, outside of cliches and banalities.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권2호
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• pp.241-257
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• 2009

The essay discusses the way in which the aesthetic of Pre-Raphaelites reformulates the habitual system of knowledge in the Victorian age by adapting $Ranci{\acute{e}}re^{\prime}s$ concept of aesthetics. $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$ develops an original theory of aesthetics, a regime of knowledge which enables to perceive and reflect art as such. In this way, aesthetics turns to be the logical system by which the consensus idea of the beautiful comes to exist. For $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$, aesthetics is an agreed system of the sensible and reproduces the habitual knowledge of the world. Therefore, a new aesthetic movement means an attempt to break the given aesthetics and reorients the new distribution of the sensible. The important point of $Ranci{\acute{e}}re^{\prime}s$ argument is that he does not presuppose the dimension beyond the present unlike Frankfurt School. What $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$ claims is that there is no such the aesthetic which can correct the instrumental reason, but rather an indifferent moment in which a worker finds out himself as a creator who can give rise to the new regime of the sensible and feels free from what he must work for. From this perspective, the essay explores the aesthetic of Pre-Raphaelites and its meaning in nineteenth century Britain. Pre-Raphaelites was an artist group who railed against a so-called academic style of paintings and created a new aesthetic criterion to describe the truth of the natural world. The essay examines the interrelationship between Pre-Raphaelites and photography that would enable them to re-distribute the sensible and produce a new way of seeing the order of things. This is related to the birth of a modern gaze as in the case of landscape paintings. What is crucial is that the distribution of the sensible is always-already doubled with the political. In short, Pre-Raphaeltes is not only an aesthetic movement but also a political pursuit to achieve a disenchanted perception of nineteenth century industrial capitalism.

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.1-21
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• 2011

This study is designed to identify how Demographic Factors affect Fashion Orientation(value), Fashion Response, and Buying Criteria. A total of 355 usable data was collected from housewives in three metropolitan cities(Seoul, Daejeon, Sungnam) in Korea. Young housewives who have one child are a market segment whose buying power is recognized by both the retailers and the market. The housewives' fashion orientation consists of four categories : social orientation, practical orientation, political orientation, and aesthetic orientation. The housewives' fashion response is classified into three areas : self conscious, self esteem, and self monitoring. The criteria of buying children's wear consists of nine components. As a result, the key reason for buying children' wear was 'attractive design'. Research result showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.229, p<.001) was more effective than AESTHETICS ORIENTATION(SE beta=.203, p<.001), for enhancing SELF-CONSCIOUS RESPONSE and SELF-ESTEEM RESPONSE. Therefore, this study suggests that the key factor for understanding trend can be a human self concept, consciousness, values, and orientation. The housewives' fashion orientation is responsible for 18.7% of BRAND ROYALTY(F = 20.172, p<.001) from among nine buying criteria. More poignantly, POLITICAL ORIENTATION covered 66.9% of selection of BRAND ROYALTY, and it explained 34.6% of selection of DESIGN among nine buying criteria. Thus, it showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.331, p<.001) is more effective than SOCIAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.146), for upgrading BRAND ROYALTY. In addition, it showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.238, p<.001) is more effective than AESTHETICS ORIENTATION(SE beta=.040) for upgrading DESIGN evaluation. Housewives' fashion orientation, and fashion response are differentiated by demographic factors, such as occupation, women's career, husband' job, income, and location related to social status.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권5호
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• pp.975-999
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• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제21권10호
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• pp.184-193
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• 2021

인터랙티브 다큐멘터리는 창작자와 수용자가 다양한 멀티미디어를 재료로 능동적으로 상호작용해 만들어내는 새로운 양식의 다큐멘터리를 말한다. 인터랙티브 다큐멘터리는 공론장을 형성하고 상호작용성에 기반한 경험을 통해서 수용자들로 하여금 사회 변화에 직접 참여하도록 매개하는 플랫폼으로 주목받고 있다. 하지만 이론적 관점에서 그 가능성이 체계적으로 탐색되지 못했고, 실천적 관점에서 가능성을 실현하고 발전시킬 방법에 관한 고려가 부족했다. 본 논문에서는 이론적 기반으로서 발터 벤야민의 정치 미학, 특히 예술의 정치화에 관한 논의들을 정리하고, 텍스트 마이닝을 통해서 인터랙티브 다큐멘터리의 매체적 특징을 분석한다. 그리고 이 둘을 서로 연결하여 인터랙티브 다큐멘터리의 정치적·미학적 가능성의 지도를 그려보고, 이를 바탕으로 실제 작품에서 그 가능성이 어떻게 실현되었고 한계는 무엇이었는지를 분석한다. 본 연구는 인터랙티브 다큐멘터리의 정치적·미학적 가능성에 대한 이론적 체계를 마련했다는 가치를 갖는다. 후속 연구에서는 이를 기반으로 트랜스미디어 액티비즘으로서 인터랙티브 다큐멘터리의 실천적 전략을 고민하고 실용성 있는 분석 및 기획 방법론을 개발할 것이다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제48권
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

이 논문은 인터넷 누리꾼들이 중요한 표현 매체형식으로 이용했던 패러디의 정치 미학적 가능성과 한계를 관찰한다. 특히, 2003년의 대선 정국, 2004년의 총선, 노무현 전대통령의 탄핵 정국, 만두파동, 그리고 서울시장의 '서울시 봉헌' 발언 등에 반응해 대중이 생산해냈던 정치 패러디물들을 중심에 놓고 본다. 당시 시사정치 패러디물에 힘입어 여론이 헝성되거나, 그 중 일부는 언론의 주목을 크게 받았던 경우를 심심찮게 볼 수 있다. 이 글은 먼저 한국사회에서 이렇듯 영향력을 행사했던 패러디물이 급격하게 대중화하다 왜 갑자기 쇠퇴했는지를 최근 몇 년의 패러디 발전 과정을 통해 살펴보고, 누리꾼들의 정치 패러디물들을 중심에 놓고 그들이 지닌 정치 미학적 특성과 함의를 살핀다. 본 연구는 이를 통해 누리꾼들의 대중적 창작 행위 증가, 디지털 기술에 의한 매체 표현의 다면성, 그리고 아마추어 작가들의 등장에서 정치 패러디의 긍정적 의의를 찾는다. 하지만, 이들 가능성에도 불구하고, 아마추어 패러디 작품들의 영향력이 대단히 단발적이고 휘발성을 지녔다는 점을 한계로 지적한다. 단순히 영화포스터 등 오락미디어 문화의 상징적 이미지들에 전적으로 의존하는 패스티쉬(혼성모방)의 정치 미학에 문제가 있다고 보고, 이것이 결국 정치적 앙가주망의 도구로써 패러디의 창조적 역할을 약화시켰던 원인이 되었다고 평가한다.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권2호
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• pp.315-335
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• 2009

Controversies over W. H. Auden's "political" poetry remind us of an old but perhaps never easily resolved problem about the relationship between poetry (literature) and politics. Auden has arguably been referred to as a "leftist" or "Marxist" because of his political viewpoint registered in "Spain" or "September 1, 1939," which embodies his contemporaries' loss and fear, brought by the socio-political turmoil, economic depression, and moral conflicts of the 1930s. Interestingly, however, Auden is known to have an ambivalent position toward the political reality. He once disavowed the above "political" poems as "dishonest" in the preface of the 1966 edition of Collected Poems and declared, "poetry makes nothing happen" in "In Memory of W. B. Yeats," which seemingly acknowledges the political incapacity of poetry. Auden's position and poetry should be understood as the result of complicated interactions between his perspectives on society, human beings, and poetics. Auden definitely believed in the role of poetry in such a politically demanding time, yet was not concerned with the anticipation of certain immediate changes effected by poetry in real situations. Instead, he sought the intellectual and moral effects that poetry could give his readers to help them survive the dismal circumstances of the 1930s. This is what distinguished Auden's poetry from political propaganda. In doing so, Auden's poetry captures the zeitgeist of his generation and has privileged him as the leading voice of his time, but it has also encouraged the following generations to confront different socio-political difficulties. This is something poetry can make happen politically, and the survival of Auden's "memorable speech" proves the legitimacy of his frequently misunderstood poetics.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제51권2호
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• pp.42-53
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• 2023

이 논문은 다변화하고 있는 환경미학의 최근 전개 양상을 고찰하고, 환경미학의 중요한 갈래로 부상하고 있는 일상미학의 주요 의제와 주장, 쟁점과 의의를 비판적으로 검토한다. 1960년대의 문화 변동과 환경주의를 바탕으로 싹튼 환경미학은 20세기 후반 이론적 기반을 다지며 성장했고, 21세기에 들어서면서 대상과 주제의 다변화 과정에 진입했다. 학문적 성숙기를 맞은 환경미학은 도시를 포함한 인문환경 전반으로 이론적 영토를 확장했으며, 도시 환경과 경관의 계획·설계 담론으로서 실천적 좌표를 제시했다. 특히 2000년대 중반 이후 환경미학의 가장 주목할 성과는 '일상미학'의 성립이라고 할 수 있다. 일상미학 연구를 주도하고 있는 유리코 사이토는 미학 이론의 대상과 범위를 일상의 사물, 사건, 행동, 환경으로 확장한다. 그는 기존의 예술 중심적 미학이 간과해온 일상의 미시적이고 감각적인 국면을 미학의 시선으로 발굴해 현대 도시의 환경과 경관, 공간과 장소에서 벌어지는 현상의 다양한 층위를 새롭게 해석하며, 일상에 숨겨진 '미적인 것의 힘'이 삶의 질과 세상의 상태에 미치는 심대한 영향을 분석한다. 그는 일상의 대상과 환경에 내재한 특유의 성질과 분위기에 대한 감상을 고찰하고, 일상의 미적 감상과 판단이 낳는 환경적, 사회적, 정치적 결과를 경계하기 위해 '도덕적-미적 판단'을 제안한다. 이 논문은 일상미학의 쟁점과 의의를 첫째 미학의 확장과 모호한 일상, 둘째 도덕적-미적 판단과 돌봄의 미학, 셋째 도시 재생 경관과 미학적 문해력으로 파악한다. 특히 사이토가 주장하는 일상미학의 도덕적 덕목, 즉 돌봄, 사려 깊음, 감수성, 존중 등은 동시대 도시재생 경관의 실천에 대한 비평적 준거를 마련해준다. 그가 강조하는 '미학적 문해력'은 일상의 도시 환경과 경관 해석에 환경미학의 관점이 필요한 이유를 입증하는 핵심 개념이다.