• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.29-54
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• 2008

This is to review the reform of the governance for science and technology advanced by the Noh Moo Hyun government. The reform mainly included introducing the vice premiership for science and technology, strengthening the coordinative function of the National Science and Technology Committee over the public R&D budget and programs, and establishing the Office of Science and Technology Innovation under the vice premier for science and technology. The reform aims to improve not only the policy coordinative mechanism but policy discourse mechanism over the enhanced science and technology policy. This paper argues that Noh Moo Hyun Government's reform of the governance for science and technology was not successful. The reason is that the reform targeted mainly to improve the policy coordination among government departments concerning science and technology policy. But it was nearly neglected to make effective the policy discourse mechanism linking the state actors and societal actors.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.20-43
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• 2017

While the Internet has been used to galvanise people for the collective good, many have voiced concerns over the noise and vitriol present online and polarisation. In Singapore where the government regulates traditional mainstream media such as print and broadcast, the online space has been described as a "Wild Wild West" rife with rumours, untruths and misinformation. Such developments do not only exert a potential negative effect on the deliberative nature of public discourse but also skew bias towards the online space, affecting the ability of online users to communicate with authority and power. This study seeks to examine the rationality of the cyberspace through using a new "rationality" framework to analyse political discourse online. Comprising objectivity, emotionality and partisanship, the rationality framework was applied to a content analysis of 197 blogs with political content in 2014. The analysis indicated that the online political space was not the Wild Wild West that it was touted to be with significant levels of objectivity and non-partisanship. There was a stark absence of emotional discourse, and relationships were observed between bloggers' anonymity and rationality. Cognisant of academia's and policymakers' interest on the quality and effects of online discourse, the proposed analytical framework and the study findings hold implications for both developed and developing countries.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.31-42
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• 2020

There is great confusion over what constitutes public diplomacy (PD), who its actors are, and the relevance of non-state actors. In the Korean context, in addition to the general fuzziness of the concept, linguistic peculiarities of the terms gonggong and gongjung both of which refer to public, waegyo, which is interchangeably used for international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy, and juche which is simultaneously used for actor and agent, add more layers of confusion. While the term PD in Korea is based almost entirely on Western conceptualization, these linguistic peculiarities prevent fruitful conversations among scholars and practitioners on PD. Against this background, this research note explores and addresses conceptual ambiguities that pertains to PD and the policy discourse on the topic, particularly on non-state PD in Korea. The paper draws on Korean government's PD-related policy documents and Diplomatic White Papers and all relevant academic articles found in Korean-language journals registered in the Korean Citation Index (KCI), which are analysed to gain an understanding of the PD-related policy discourse in Korea.

• Journal of Family Relations
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.67-87
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• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to critically review the recent discourse on single-person households (SPH) that appeared in Korean newspapers. Specifically, we analyzed articles in five major daily newspapers, which are representative of the media in Korean society, and examined the types of titles, subjects, and contents of articles in which SPH were mentioned. Method: For this purpose, 538 articles on SPH or "living alone" that appeared in the five major Korean newspapers during 2011-2017 were analyzed using content analysis methods. Results: Our analysis revealed eight major topics(living arrangement and household characteristics; financial instruments; food, clothing, and housing culture; policy; welfare; relationships; safety; values and attitudes). The results show that there is a surge of articles portraying neutral images of SPH in Korean newspapers, thereby emphasizing the recent growth in the number of SPH and the information relating to this population group. Although negative images of SPH continue to exist in the discourse, in recent times we found these attitudes to have become less prevalent compared to neutral images or even positive discourse. We also found that the discourse on these topics and arguments can be divided into four themes-the diversity of SPHs, the solo economy for single households, safety issues, and social relationships. Conclusions: Theoretical and policy implications on family studies relating to SPH are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.171-187
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to identify and illustrate academic trends that can be gleaned from family studies on multicultural families in Korea, and to gain a suggestion of the relatedness between discourse and practice by reviewing research in that field. The results of discourse analysis are as follows: First, research on multicultural families in family studies set limited focal subjects. Second, the research accepts assimilationism as a primary multicultural policy set forward by the Korean Government. Third, the research reflects a more or less conservative consciousness of family maintenance. Fourth, there have been some changes in perspectives from the perception of immigrant women in multicultural families as passive minorities to more active agents. Lastly, the research perceives family life in multicultural families as a project for practice.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.33-59
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• 2013

This study has examined an analysis of discourses on free child care policy for 0-2 year old children in Korea. The author has searched articles in daily news papers of "free child care for 0-2years old" using Korea Integrated News Database System and Chosun archive. For the analysis, articles from March 2012 to May 2013 has been collected. From this study, it has been suggested that discourses has been showed with diverse issues such as home care allowance, working mom vs full-time housewives, universal welfare vs selective welfare. These discourses has developed with the ideologies of conservative and progressive perspectives. The suggestions of this study will contribute to the development and practice of a free child care policy for 0-2 year children through reflective discourse analysis.

• STI Policy Review
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2012

This paper reviews the emerging literature on innovation policy from a practitioner's perspective, reviews the policy implications of an evolutionary perspective in economics, and identifies newly emerging areas of innovation policy analysis. We show that an innovation system is a dominant policy discourse, that there are limits of policy implications from an evolutionary perspective, and that there is a need for explicitly policy motivated analysis grounded in a broad evolutionary perspective. Innovation policy studies are an area in pre-paradigmatic stages whose dynamism originates from the interaction of theory, policy, and policy learning. The limited usefulness of policy implications derived directly from either conceptual or empirical analysis requires more explicitly policy focused research.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.384-392
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• 2019

Objectives: This study aimed to explore the health inequality discourse in the Korean press by analyzing newspaper articles using a relatively new content analysis technique. Methods: This study used the search term "health inequality" to collect articles containing that term that were published between 2000 and 2018. The collected articles went through pre-processing and topic modeling, and the contents and temporal trends of the extracted topics were analyzed. Results: A total of 1038 articles were identified, and 5 topics were extracted. As the number of studies on health inequality has increased over the past 2 decades, so too has the number of news articles regarding health inequality. The extracted topics were public health policies, social inequalities in health, inequality as a social problem, healthcare policies, and regional health gaps. The total number of occurrences of each topic increased every year, and the trend observed for each theme was influenced by events related to its contents, such as elections. Finally, the frequency of appearance of each topic differed depending on the type of news source. Conclusions: The results of this study can be used as preliminary data for future attempts to address health inequality in Korea. To make addressing health inequality part of the public agenda, the media's perspective and discourse regarding health inequality should be monitored to facilitate further strategic action.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Environmental Restoration Technology
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.1-18
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• 2021

England's green belt policy as it delivered its framework to designating the development restriction zones(DRZ) in Korea is the key to address issues which try to change green belt boundary or/and housing development. Therefore it should necessarily be reviewed on the understanding of how England has been formulating a national policy to deal with the issues focusing on opportunities for housing development and recreation. This study explored the discourse and framework of England's green belt policy as well as driver changes of housing development and recreation. Results show several characteristics of England's green belt policy which are civil society consensus on conservation and management, limited small-scale housing development through management of release rates, a systematic procedure for application and approval, open-recreation space expansion and utilisation under the premise of conservation of natural green areas, and management structure by the involvement of NGO organisations. Therefore, five suggestions can be delivered to developing Korea's DRZ frameworks: first, preceding social consensus on the preservation value of development-restricted zones, second, addressing housing shortages in different alternatives e.g.) environmental-friendly small-scale housing, third, institutionalising the total proportion of release, fourth, establishing an open-recreation space, fifth, introducing expanded public-private partnerships. Ultimately securing the legitimacy of the nation's development-restricted zone system can contribute positively to the environment preservation and human health by promoting public leisure activities in terms of the recent increase in external activities caused by the Covid-19 crisis. Concluding remarks are here that the understanding of England's green belt policy can be delivered to and help formulate domestic policy addressing current issues.