• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.733-745
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• 2016

This study investigated the effect of clothing interest on party preference and suggested four party unities according to party wear types. A hypothesized model based on consumer innovativeness, clothing interest, party benefit, party interest and party preference was tested to determine the effect of clothing interest on party preference. Party unities were constructed according to party wear types along with party place, party food, and party music. Data was collected through two online surveys. The population of the survey was female consumers in their twenties. Descriptive statistics, factor analysis, reliability, correlations, and regressions were applied to the data of 305 samples. As a result, positive tendency toward consumer innovativeness, clothing interest, party benefit, party interest and party preference was observed in young female consumers with significant relations among five variables. Party preference was well-explained from the hypothesized research model, but the direct path from clothing interest to party interest was identified as insignificant. The most preferred party elements of place, food, music and wear was garden, barbecue, house music and mini dress, respectively. Four party unities according to party wear types were constructed and suggested based on the correlation analysis results between party wear and other party elements. The concept of party unity is useful to establish marketing strategies such as advertising and experience marketing in the party wear industry.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.115-162
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• 2022

The Rules of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), revised at the eighth Party Congress in 2021, reflect the Kim Jong Un regime's changes in strategic lines and ideological justifications on North Korea's socialism and communism, and its recent stances against the external environment. Moreover, they contain critical changes in the party's organizational system encompassing the central and the provinces. This study explores the organizational changes of the "monolithic guidance system of the party core" stipulated by the new party rules in January 2021, based on the analysis of the entire nine revised rules of the WPK since 1945. In the 2021 Party Congress, the Kim Jong Un regime, which officially came to power after the fourth Party Conference in 2012, has institutionalized the monolithic guidance system centered on the party core, or the head of state, Kim Jong Un. The newly set leadership and execution system, which reorganized party, government, and military organizational structure and accompanied the relevant personnel changes, was derived from the attempts for reinstating the Kim Jong Un regime as a more normalized party-state structure before its 10th year in power in April 2022. The "monolithic leadership system of the party core" established a system of "organizational leadership" through the organization of the Central Committee, directed by the Party Head, or General Secretary. The institutionalization of the new system resulted from the ten-year development of the revival of the party-state structure, which compromised the status of the military and reconfirmed the party's control of the military. This study explains the new system from the perspectives of both institutionalization and top-down unity, shedding light on the new party-military-government relations of the Kim Jong Un regime. The analysis contributes to a better understanding and forecasting of the Kim Jong Un regime's governance, which currently strengthens the monolithic leadership system as a crisis management system in the face of the "triple hardships" of sanctions, Covid and disaster.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.38
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• pp.191-214
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• 2015

Chinese American Writer, Ha Jin has been writing exclusively about the life in his native Communist China. His stories and poems are almost all about the Chinese people so far. In addition, the distinctive Chinese flavour and the inexorably repressive image of China in his works present an 'Other' to the American culture. Such kind of Chineseness can also be found in Ha Jin's works and his career as a writer. The continued demand for knowledge of China, which is created by China's increasingly important role in the globalized economy, sustains the country's position as an Other for America. In his early four novels, Ha Jin portrays a totally repressive image of Communist China, an image of which functions perfectly as a form of otherness for his American readers. In Ha Jin's portrayal, the Chinese masses are subjected to the Communist authority through its bureaucracy and state-economy mechanism, as well as through the godlike image of Mao Zedong. They are to follow the Communist conscience and subscribe to unity-in-difference. Deviation from the one-party rule is intolerable. In each of the novels, Ha Jin presents a specific system of repression. In In the Pond, confrontation against Party authority is contained by a process of complicity. In Waiting, the Party's power is upheld through a system of surveillance in which people act as agents, resulting in a web of power which paralyses love. The Crazed illustrates a play of power by Party officials which, against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, is full of craze itself, driving people either out of sanity or out of the country. War Trash exposes the Communist power's repression to the extreme by presenting a case of dishonour in those whose life is debased as trash by the Party. The repressive image of China produced in these stories, which span over half a century, makes Ha Jin's China a perfect Other for the West. To sum up, Ha Jin's novels construct a repressive image of China. In his novels, Ha Jin exposes the working of repression in particular systems. Through these systems, he problematizes the notion of personal autonomy for Chinese people and proposes for his western/American readers a solution which eventually turns into a re-presentation of American hegemony.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.108-114
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• 2012

Purpose: Immunosorbent assay most commonly used in the laboratory and commercial third-party quality control material is a substance that provided by BIO-RAD. However, in Reference Sheet by radioimmunoassay test kit or a measuring device for the mention of Acceptable Range is somewhat lacking. Radioimmunoassay for the inspection of test results by setting Acceptable Range to increase the objectivity of the recommendations on the data accumulated by the manufacturer listed in the Reference Sheet is to be issued. Materials and Methods : In our hospital since 2009 partially BIO-RAD using quality control materials in 2011, excluding certain items, some items were most of the BIO-RAD third-party quality control materials are used. Thus, internal quality control data accumulated BIO-RAD's Unity Real Time program by using the items were measured. Results : BIO-RAD using quality control material items were about 50 of the 20 Point Data averages, standard deviations, variation coefficients were calculated to measure the Acceptable Range of kit, automated immunoassay attributed Roche Elecsys / E170 / cobas e Systems the measures and compared. Conclusions : BIO-RAD QC materials commonly used hospital and peer group by setting the measurement kit, suitable for laboratory equipment for radioimmunoassay of Acceptable Range manufacturer recommendation to increase the objectivity of the test results by national and international recognition for radioimmunoassay should seek to increase.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.651-666
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• 2013

The objective of this study is to introduce the characteristics and establishing process of national regional policy for the sunbelt developmentr initiative of the southern coastal area in Korea. Discussion on the development of southern coastal area of Korea with some members of the Korea Society of Future Studies began in the early 1990s, and its discussion was continued with the activities by the Committee on Regional Unity of the Grand National Party and Namhaean Forum. The sunbelt development initiative was selected as one of the major commitments of the Grand National Party in the 17th presidential election of Korea. Since the launching of the Lee Myung-bak government, the Presidential Committee on Balanced National Development made a comprehensive plan for sunbelt development of southern coastal area(CPSD), and this plan was confirmed by central governmental planning in May 2010. CPSD is meaningful in terms of the fir first national regional planning and legal plan in Korea. The target year of CPSD is 2020, and some projects by CPSD started in 2010. However, there are many negative views that CPSD will not be going too well. Therefore, new efforts and roles of geographers who participated in the process of planning of CPSD are required for the success of CPSD.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.173-194
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• 2005

Studying on the history of korean ancient poetry, we come in contact with a series of verses which 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo'. In the 16th century are the representative works among them. Sarim were involved in the domestic discords so that they brought about severe party strifes after all. 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' profoundly dealt with the various problems concerning nature and human beings. Lee, Hyunbo and Lee, Whang are closely related with the philosophical attitudes of Confucianism. After this, Kyun, Homun and Jang, Kyungse can be largely summarized as the dual theory of reason and spirit. From the standpoint of natural principles, the epistmology of Confucianism. the theory of reason has characterized by ideality and reality. It can be said that the problem of harmonizing and uniting nature with human beings was solved in the unity of space and man. 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' in the 16th century prominently express not only the courses of character cultivation but also the pride and close relationship between nature and human beings. We can say that 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' in the 16th century are divided into both types of the conservative idealism and the reformative realism in the Jejisarim. Kangho Ship. the epistmology of Confucianism nature and human beings. ideality and reality political status and that such ships can be separated into types ideality and reality in the philosophical context.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.305-334
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• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.