• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.32-34
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• 1974

본 논문은 1968년 과학기술처 Trust Fund에 의하여 실시된 연구로서 전남 지방에 있어서 최적합한 양송이 재배사를 구명하기 위하여 이미 구미에서 연구된 결과를 토대로 하여 우리나라의 기후적 조건과 경제적 조건을 고찰한 자연공기 순환법을 적용, 양송이 재배에 최적한 환경 조건과 이의 조절법을 구명코저 시상식재배사와 지하실에 구축한 태양열을 이용하는 태양열식 재배사를 본실험용으로 구축하고 전자에 대하여서는 외가의 온도의 영향을 받지 아니하는 측벽구조와 천정의 구조, 환기구의 위치 및 그 환기량등에 관하여 검토하였으며 후자에 관하여는 태양열 이용 효과에 대하여 검토하였다. 또한 동기에 있어서의 계속적 재배를 가능케 하기 위하여 양송이 재배사의 보온에 적합한 가열 장치에 대하여서도 검토하였다. 1. 실험용 지상식 양송이 재배사의 효과에 관하여는 이미 실험결과 및 그 분석에서 지적된 바 있거니와 그 측벽 및 천정의 구조는 재배사를 외계의 기상조건에서 격리하는데 충부한 효과가 있는 것으로 고려된다. 2. 반지하실에 구축한 실험용 태양식 양송이 재배사의 효과에 관하여는 실험결과 및 그 분석에 지적한 바와 같거니와 태양열을 이용하는데 있어 충분한 효과가 있는 것으로 고려된다. 그러나 이것을 농가에 적용하기 위하여는 다음과 같은 제점이 개선되어야 할 것으로 고려된다. 즉 (1) 태양식의 지붕과 천정은 실험용 지상식재배사의 그것과 동일히 하고, (2) 태양열 수열 장치는 적당히 제고되어야 할 것으로 고려된다. 3. 본 실험 연구에서 실시한 각조의 환기법중 GE-CV 및 VS-CV 환기법이 가장 효과적인 것으로 본다. 4. 측벽수치 및 지중 환기장치는 이미 지적한 바와 같이 농가용 양송이재배사의 자연환기법으로 실용적 가치가 충분하다. 그것은 이들 환기장치는 그 환기로를 통하여 사내에 유입되는 외기의 온도를 인공적으로 가열이나 또는 냉각하지 않고 사내 온도에 접근하지 않도록 조절하는 효과가 있기 때문이다. 지금 외온을 $X^{\circ}C$로 할때 각종 환기로에 의하여 흡수되는 온도 $Y^{\circ}C$를 X의 함수로 하는 실험식은 다음과 같이 회귀직선으로 표시된다. GP$\cdots$Y=0.9X-12.8 GE$\cdots$Y=0.96X-15.11 VS$\cdots$Y=0.94X-17.57 5. 재배사내에 유입되는 공기 및 사외로 배출되는 공기에 관한 실험식은 다음과 같이 회귀직선 및 지수곡선으로 표시된다. 5.1 배출속도 Ycm/sec.를 유입속도 Xcm/sec.의 함수로 하는 회귀직선식 GE-CV(50%)법$\cdots$Y=1.0X-1.65 GE-CV(100%)법$\cdots$Y=0.42X+2.03 VS-CV(100%)법$\cdots$Y=0.85X+0.96 5.2 배출량 $Ym^3$/hr.를 유출량${\times}m^3$/hr.의 함수로 하는 회귀직선식 GE-CV(50%)법$\cdots$Y=2.59X-10.88 GE-CV(100%)법$\cdots$Y=2.16X+26.53 5.3 상면 공기이동 속도 Ym/sec.를 배출공기 속도${\times}m$/sec.의 함수로 하는 회귀직선식 GE-CV(50%)법$\cdots$Y=0.5X+0.84 5.4 $CO_2$ 축적량 Y(%)를 상면공기이동속도 cm/sec.의 함수로 하는 회귀직선식 GE-CV(50%)$\cdots$Y=114.53-6.42X 5.5 $CO_2$ 축적량Y(%)를 배출공기량 $m^3$/hr.의 함수로 하는 지수곡선식 GE-CV(50%)$\cdots$Y=$127.18{\times}1.0093^{-x}$ 5.6 Natural ventilation system에 있어서 양송이 생육에 적합한 환경적조건을 마련하기 위한 환기구의 단면적은 재배사 전용적에 대하여 다음과 같은 비율로할 수 있다. GE(지중유입 환기구 단면적)$\cdots$0.3-0.5%(요조절) CV(천정배출 환기구 단면적)$\cdots$0.8-1.0% (요조절) 6. 본 연구에서 실험한 각종의 가열장치중 무압증기수 보이라도 사요할 수 있는 온수 보이라가 농가용 양송이재배사 가열장치로서, 그 효과면에 있어서나 또는 그 가격면에 있어서 최적합다하는 것이 확인되고 있다.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제24권
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• pp.289-332
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• 1993

In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제30권2호
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• pp.83-153
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• 2015

우리나라의 경제가 더욱 성장하고, 항공기의 수가 점차 증가하면, 항공기 집행사건은 앞으로 늘어날 수 있다. 이 글은 다수의 사례가 축적되어 있는 선박집행에 관한 법리를 차용하여 항공기 집행에 관한 법리를 제시하기 위한 것이다. 항공기, 경량항공기에 대한 집행은 기본적으로 부동산 선박 집행을 준용하고, 초경량비행장치, 외국항공기에 대한 집행은 동산집행방법에 의한다. 항공기 집행에는 강제경매, 임의경매, 유치권에 기한 경매 등이 있다. 항공기에 대한 강제경매는 채권자가 금전의 지급을 목적으로 하는 청구권의 만족을 얻기 위하여 채무자 소유의 항공기에 대하여 행하는 강제집행을 말한다. 항공기에 대한 강제경매는 압류 당시에 그 항공기가 있는 곳을 관할하는 지방법원을 집행법원으로 하고, 이는 전속관할이다. 법원은 경매개시결정을 한때에는 집행관에게 항공기등록증명서 그 밖에 항공기운항에 필요한 문서를 받아 법원에 제출하도록 명하여야 한다. 강제경매개시결정이 있은 날부터 2월이 지나기까지 집행관이 항공기등록증명서등을 넘겨받지 못하고 항공기가 있는 곳이 분명하지 아니한 때에는 집행법원이 강제경매절차를 취소할 수 있다. 채권자 최고가매수신고인 차순위매수신고인 매수인의 동의가 있으면, 법원은 영업상의 필요 그 밖에 상당한 이유가 있다고 인정한 때에는 채무자의 신청에 따라 항공기의 운항을 허가할 수 있다. 법원은 채권자의 신청에 따라 항공기를 감수하거나 보존에 필요한 처분을 할 수 있다. 채무자가 민사집행법 49조 2호 4호의 서류를 제출하고 압류채권자 및 배당요구채권자의 채권과 집행비용에 해당하는 보증을 매수신고 전에 제공한 때에는 법원은 신청에 따라 배당절차 외의 절차를 취소하여야 한다. 항공기를 목적으로 하는 담보권 실행을 위한 경매(임의경매) 절차에는 선박 항공기 강제경매에 관한 규정과 담보권 실행을 위한 부동산 선박 경매에 관한 규정이 준용된다. 임의경매에서는 집행권원이 필요하지 않고, 신청에도 집행력 있는 정본은 요구하지 않는다. 또한, 집행법원이 담보권 및 피담보채권의 존부를 심사하여 담보권의 부존재 무효, 피담보채권의 불발생 소멸 등과 같은 실체상의 하자가 있으면 경매개시결정을 할 수 없다. 나아가 이러한 사유는 매각불허가 사유에 해당하고, 또 이를 간과하여 매각허가결정이 확정되고 매수인이 매각대금을 완납하여 소유권이전등록을 마쳤다 하더라도 매수인은 매각항공기의 소유권을 취득하지 못한다. 집행법원은 여러 대의 항공기 상호간의 이용관계에서 견련성이 있는 경우에 한하여 여러 대의 항공기에 대한 일괄경매를 할 수 있다(대법원 2001. 8. 22.자 2001마3688 결정). 항공기에 대한 유치권자도 경매를 신청할 수 있다. 형식적 경매의 절차는 담보권 실행을 위한 경매의 예에 따라 실시한다. 그러나 공항시설 사용료와 항공기 사이의 견련관계를 인정할 수 없으므로, 공항공사의 항공기에 대한 유치권은 성립하지 않는다(대법원 2014. 4. 10. 선고 2011다29291 판결). 유치권에 의한 경매도 항공기 위의 부담을 소멸시키는 것을 법정매각조건으로 하여 실시되고, 우선채권자뿐만 아니라 일반채권자의 배당요구도 허용되며, 유치권자는 일반채권자와 동일한 순위로 배당을 받을 수 있다.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.3-35
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• 2013

오늘날 항공운송은 국가 간 인적 물적 교류를 위한 최적화된 운송 수단이다. 우리나라는 물론 세계 각국은 효율적인 항공운송을 이용하기 위해 국제항공협정을 체결하여 항공사 노선확장과 운항횟수의 증가 등을 이룩하였지만 동전의 양면처럼 항공운송 사고의 발생가능성도 높아졌다. 항공운송 사고의 발생 빈도는 타교통수단 사고와 비교하였을 때 높지는 않아도 항공사고가 발생하면 대형 참사로 이어진다. 항공운송 사고는 국내 운송사고보다 국제 운송사고가 많으며, 사고가 발생하였을 경우에 항공운송인과 여객 또는 송하인 등의 법적 책임에 대한 분석이 필요하다. 항공운송 사고의 법적 규율에 대한 선순위 판단은 항공운송계약의 종류의 구분이다. 항공운송계약은 객체에 따라 항공여객운송계약과 항공물건운송계약으로 분별된다. 특히 항공여객운송 사고는 인명 피해를 발생시키기 때문에 이에 대한 법적 규율에 대한 논의가 더욱 필요하다. 개정 "상법" 항공운송편은 국제항공운송에서 세계적으로 활용되는 조약들의 내용을 우리 실정에 맞게 반영하여 국제적 기준에 맞으면서 체계상으로도 육상 해상 항공 운송을 포괄하는 특징을 갖고 있다. 그러나 "상법"은 운송계약상 항공운송인의 손해배상책임 문제를 규율하는 몬트리올협약을 주로 반영하면서 동 협약이 가지고 있던 문제로 인하여 국내 상황에 맞게 변형 및 생략을 통해 동 협약의 규정을 수용함으로 인해 발생하는 문제들도 생겨나게 되었다. 특히 여객 손해에 대한 손해배상책임의 발생 원인으로서 사고의 개념은 판례의 해석이 반영된 관련 조약과 "상법"에서 어느 정도 명확한 개념 정의가 필요하다고 할 것이다. "상법" 항공운송편의 모법인 몬트리올 협약은 여객의 사망 또는 신체상해의 원인이 된 사고가 '항공기상에서' 또는 '승강을 위한 작업 중' 발생한 경우에 항공운송인의 손해배상책임에 대하여 규정하고 있으며 이는 바르샤바 협약부터 이를 개정한 전 협약에 걸쳐 동일하게 규정되었고 '사고'의 개념 및 '승강을 위한 작업 중'의 범위와 관련하여 지금까지 논란이 계속되고 있는 중이다. 또한 손해배상의 대상 범주인 여객 손해 중 '신체상해'에 여객이 항공운송 중에 입은 정신적 손해를 포함시킬 수 있는지 여부를 두고 논쟁 중이다. 현행법상 신체적 상해의 경우 특정 상황에서 정신적 손해에 대한 배상이 가능하고 항공사고로 인한 발생한 정신적 손해는 중대한 신체적 상해와 같이 피해자로 하여금 정상적인 생활을 할 수 없게 할 만큼 심각한 피해이다. 그래서 여객의 정신적 손해는 관련 조약이나 "상법"상 신체적 상해에 포함하는 것으로 해석할 필요가 있으며 항공운송인의 합리적인 보호와 남소의 예방 측면에서 명백히 증명될 수 있는 정신적 손해만을 배상하여야 할 것이다. 연착 손해의 배상은 바르샤바 협약, 몬트리올 협약, "상법"은 여객 수하물 및 운송물의 연착으로 인한 항공운송인의 손해배상책임 규정은 있지만 연착에 대한 언급을 하고 있지 않기 때문에 연착에 대한 개념 정리가 필요하다. 연착의 개념에 대한 엄격한 해석은 항공운송인의 안전한 운항을 저해할 소지가 있으므로 여객 수하물 또는 운송물이 항공운송계약에 명시된 도착 예정인 공항에 합의된 시간 내에 또는 이러한 합의가 없을 경우 당해 상황을 고려해 선의의 운송인에게 요구할 수 있는 합리적인 시간 내에 도착 또는 인도되지 아니한 경우를 말한다와 같이 정의하는 것이 옳다고 생각한다. 항공사 약관의 손해는 여객 손해는 대한항공의 국제여객운송약관에 의하면 협약이나 기타 법령에서 정하는 경우 이외에 해당하는 항공운송이나 대한항공이 행하는 서비스로부터 여객에게 발생한 손해는 대한항공이 원칙적으로 책임을 부담하지 않고 대한 항공의 태만 또는 고의적인 과실에 기인하여 발생하였다는 사실이 증명되고 동 손해에 여객의 과실이 개재되지 않았다는 점이 판명된 경우에만 책임을 부담한다. 협약 또는 법령에서 정하지 않은 손해의 경우에는 항공사 측의 과실이 증명된 경우에만 책임을 부담한다는 조항인데 대한항공 약관상 '태만' 또는 '고의적인 과실'이라는 용어의 적합성에 대한 판단이 필요하며 중과실이라고 함이 타당하다고 생각된다. 수하물 손해는 대한항공 국제여객운송약관은 여객의 위탁수하물에 포함되어 있는 전자제품 등의 손상 또는 인도의 지연에 대하여 대한항공은 사실을 알고 있는지 여부에 관계없이 책임을 부담하지 않지만 미국을 출발 또는 도착하는 국제선 운송의 경우에는 그렇지 않다. 따라서 미국을 출발 또는 도착하는 국제선 여객을 다른 나라에 출발 또는 도착하는 국제선 여객을 불합리하게 차별하는 것으로 조약의 내용과 동일하게 물품에 대하여 항공사가 책임을 부담하는 방향으로 개정되어야 할 것이다.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.73-105
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• 1993

To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.

• 한국농공학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.2913-2924
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• 1973

이와같은 방법(方法)에 의(依)하여 얻은 몇가지 시험결과(試驗結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 어느 시험구(試驗區)를 막론(莫論)하고 건조진행(乾燥進行)은 표층토(表層土)가 라지구(裸地區)보다는 초지구(草地區)가 그 진행속도(進行速度)가 좀빠른 경향(傾向)을 나타냈다. 2. 건조과정(乾燥過程)에 강우(降雨)가 있으며 토양수분(土壤水分)은 강우침투경로(降雨浸透經路)를 통(通)하여 포장용수량(圃場容水量) 또는 수분당량(水分當量) 부근(附近)으로 회복(回復)하고 있다. 3. 성층토양(成層土壤)에서 하층토(下層土)의 토성(土性)이 상층토(上層土)의 건조(乾燥)에 미치는 영향(影響)은 다음과 같이 설명(說明)된다. 가. 하층토(下層土)가 S이고 토층토(土層土)가 CL 또는 SL인 경우에 이 CL 또는 SL의 건조(乾燥)는 포장용수량(圃場容水量)이 적은 하층(下層)의 S가 어느정도(程度) 모관수공급(毛管水供給)의 차단층(遮斷層)이 되어 하층토(下層土)가 SL 또는 CL로 되었을 때보다 훨씬 건조(乾燥)가 빨리 진행(進行)하며 CL보다는 SL쪽이 현저(顯著)하게 빨리 건조(乾燥)한다. 나. 하층토(下層土)가 SL이고 상층토(上層土)가 S 또는 SL인경우에 이 S 또는 CL의 건조(乾燥)는 포장용수량(圃場容水量)이 비교적(比較的) 크고 또 모관수전도도(毛管水傳導度)도 비교적(比較的) 원활(圓滑)한 하층(下層)의 SL로 인(因)하여 그 진행속도(進行速度)가 가장 완만하며 S보다는 CL쪽이 더빨리 건조(乾燥)하는 경향(傾向)이다. 다. 하층토(下層土)가 CL이고 상층토(上層土)가 S 또는 SL인 경우에 이 S 또는 SL의 건조(乾燥)는 포장용수량(圃場容水量)이 가장 크나 모관수전도도(毛管水傳導度)가 가장느린 하층(下層)의 CL로 인(因)하여 그 진행속도(進行速度)가 비교적(比較的) 빠른 편(便)이며 S보다는 SL쪽이 더 발리 건조(乾燥)하는 경향(傾向)이다. 4. 상층토양(上層土壤) 및 하층토양(下層土壤)에서의 함수비(含水比)에 대(對)한 1일간(日間)의 시간적(時間的) 변화(變化)를 보면 상층토양(上層土壤)이 CL 및 SL에 있어서는 기온(氣溫)이 상승(上昇)하는 $12{\sim}15$시(時) 사이 까지는 함수비(含水比)가 감소(減少)되고 18시(時) 이후(以後)부터는 약간(若干) 회복(回復)하는 경향(傾向)을 보이는데 이에 반(反)하여 S에 있어서는 기온(氣溫)이 상승(上昇)하는 $12{\sim}15$시(時)에 함수비(含水比)가 Peak점(點)을 이루는 경향(傾向)을 보였으며 하층토양(下層土壤)에서의 함수비(含水比)는 CL, SL 및 S모두 기온상승(氣溫上昇)에 따라서 약간감소(若干減少)하는 경향(傾向)을 나타냈고 구름낀날의 함수비(含水比)의 변화(變化)는 CL, SL 및 S공(共)히 맑은 날에 비(比)하여 약간(若干) 작은 경향(傾向)을 보였다. 5. 적산계기증발량(積算計蒸發量)에 대(對)한 적산토양수분소비율(積算土壤水分消費率)은 일반적(一般的)으로 화지구(華地區)가 라지구(裸地區)보다 큰 경향(傾向)을 보였으며 시일(時日)의 경과(經過)에 따라 그 율(率)이 감소(減少)하는 경향(傾向)을 보였고 또 그것은 초기(初期)에는 주(主)로 상층토양(上層土壤)의 토성(土性)에 좌우(左右)되고 후기(後期)에는 하층토양(下層土壤)의 토성(土性)에 많이 좌우(左右)되는 경향(傾向)이었다. 6. 적산토양수분소비율(積算土壤水分消費率)은 하층토(下層土)가 SL 또는 S이고 상층토(上層土)가 CL인 경우(境遇)에 하층(下層)이 SL인 경우(境遇)가 S인 경우보다 변화폭(變化幅)에 컸으며, 하층(下層)이 CL, 또는 S이고 상층(上層)이 SL인 경우(境遇)는 가장 큰 값을 나타냈는데 하층(下層)이 CL인 소우(塑遇)의 그 값은 S인 경우보다 약간(若干)큰 경향(傾向)을 보였다. 또한 하층(下層)이 CL 또는 SL이고 상층(上層)이 S인 경우는 위에 말한 두 경우보다도 작은 값을 보였으며 하층(下層)이 CL인 경우(境遇)가 SL인 경우보다 더욱더 작은 값을 나타내는 경향(傾向)을 보였으며, 즉(卽) 본시험(本試驗)에서의 토양수분(土壤水分) 소비율(消費率)은 대체(大體)로 SL/CC> SL/S>CL/SL> CL/S$\fallingdotseq$S/SL> S/CL>의 순위(順位)로 되었다.

• 중소기업연구
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• 제32권1호
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• pp.65-87
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• 2010

본 연구의 목적은 기술혁신형중소기업(이노비즈)의 건전한 성장발전을 위하여 기업의 중요한 전략적 자원으로 인식되고 있는 기술혁신능력과 기술사업화능력이 시장정보지향성을 매개로 경영성과에 미치는 영향을 분석하여 기술혁신형중소기업의 효율적인 경영관리와 정부의 정책방향에 시사점을 제공하고자 하는데 있다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위하여 우리나라 기술혁신형 중소기업를 대상으로 오슬로매뉴얼과 선행연구를 토대로 연구개발능력, 기술축적능력, 기술혁신체제를 기술혁신능력으로, 제품화능력, 생산화능력, 마케팅능력을 기술사업화능력으로 구성하고, 이들 요인들이 시장정보지향성을 매개 변수로 경영성과에 미치는 영향을 실증분석을 통하여 검증하였다. 연구결과에 의하면, 제품경쟁력 향상과 같은 기술의 상업적 성과와 직접적인 관련이 있는 경영성과는 기술혁신체제나 생산화능력, 마케팅능력 등의 경영관리적 측면에서의 능력이 상대적으로 큰 영향을 미치며 기술적 성과를 의미하는 신기술/신제품개발 성과는 연구개발능력, 기술축적능력, 제품화능력 등 공학적 측면에서의 능력이 상대적으로 큰 영향을 미친다는 것을 보여 주었다. 또한 시장정보지향성과 관련하여 신기술/신제품개발 등의 기술적 성공을 위해서는 조직내부에서의 정보확산 수준이 상대적으로 크게 부각되고 있고, 제품경쟁력 향상 등 상업적 성공을 이루기 위해서는 정보에 대한 반응수준이 더 크게 요구된다는 점을 함축하고 있다.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-44
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• 1969

이상(以上)과 같이 조사(調査) 또는 실험(實驗)한 결과중(結果中) 그 중요(重要)한 것을 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 실험용(實驗用) 지상식(地上式) 양송이 재배사(栽培舍)의 효과(効果)에 관(關)하여는 이미 실험결과(實驗結果)및 그 분석(分析)에서 지적(指摘)된 바 있거니와 그 측벽(側壁)및 천정(天井)의 구조(構造)는 재배사(栽培舍)를 외계(外界)의 기상조건(氣象條件)에서 격리(隔離)하는데 충분(充分)한 효과(効果)가 있는 것으로 고려(考慮)된다. 2. 반지하실(半地下室)에 구축(構築)한 실험용(實驗用) 태양식(太陽式) 양송이 재배사(栽培舍)의 효과(効果)에 관(關)하여는 실험결과(實驗結果)및 그 분석(分析)에서 지적(指摘)한 바와 같거니와 태양열(太陽熱)을 이용(利用)하는데 있어 충분(充分)한 효과(効果)가 있는 것으로 고려(考慮)된다. 그러나 이것을 농가(農家)에 적용(適用)하기 위(爲)하여는 다음과 같은 제점(諸點)이 개선(改善)되어야 할 것으로 고려(考慮)된다. 즉 (1) 태양식(太陽式)의 지붕과 천정(天井)은 실험용(實驗用) 지상식(地上式) 재배사(栽培舍)의 그것과 동일(同一)히 하고 (2) 태양열(太陽熱) 수열장치(受熱裝置)는 적당(適當)히 재고(再考)되어야 할 것으로 고려(考慮)된다. 태양열(太陽熱) 수열장치(受熱裝置)는 그림 40과 같이 하면 유효(有效)할 것으로 구상(構想)된다. 3. 본실험연구(本實驗硏究)에서 실시(實施)한 각종(各種)의 환기법중(換氣法中) G.E.-C.V. 및 V.S.-C.V. 환기법(換氣法)이 가장 효과적(效果的)인 것으로 본다. 4. 측벽수직(側壁垂直)및 지중(地中) 환기장치(換氣裝置)는 이미 지적(指摘)된 바와 같이 농가(農家) 양송이 재배사(栽培舍)의 자연환기법(自然換氣法)으로 실용적(實用的) 가치(價値)가 충분(充分)하다. 그것은 이들 환기장치(換氣裝置)는 그 환기로(換氣路)를 통(通)하여 사내(舍內)에 유입(流入)되는 외기(外氣)의 온도(溫度)를 인공적(人工的)으로 가열(加熱)이나 또는 냉각(冷却)하지 않고 사내온도(舍內溫度)에 접근(接近)하도록 조절(調節)하는 효과(効果)가 있기 때문이다. 지금 외온(外溫)을 $X^{\circ}C$로 할 때 각종(各種) 환기로(換氣路)에 의(依)하여 흡수(吸收)되는 온도(溫度) $Y^{\circ}C$을 X의 흉수(凶數)로 하는 실험식(實驗式)은 다음과 같이 회귀직선(回歸直線)으로 표시(表示)된다. $$G.P.{\cdots}Y=0.9x-12.8$$ $$G.E.{\cdots}Y=0.96x-15.11$$ $$V.S.{\cdots}Y=0.94x-17.57$$ 5. 재배사내(栽培舍內)에 유입(流入)되는 공기(空氣)및 사외(舍外)로 배출(排出)되는 공기(空氣)에 관(關)한 실험식(實驗式)은 각각(各各) 다음과 같이 회귀직선(回歸直線)및 지수곡선(指數曲線)으로 표시(表示)된다. (1) 배출속도(排出速度) Ycm/Sec를 유입속도(流入速度)${\times}$cm/Sec의 흉수(凶數)로 하는 회귀직선식(回歸直線式) G.E.-C.V.(50%)법(法) $${\cdots}Y=1.01x-1.65$$ G.E.-C.V.(100%)법(法)$${\cdots}Y=0.42x+2.03$$ V.S.-C.V.(100%)법(法)Y=0.85x+0.96 (2) 배출량(排出量) Y $m^3/hr$ 유출량(流出量) ${\times}m^3/hr$의 함수(凾數)로 하는 회귀직선식(回歸直線式) G.E.-C.V.(50%)법(法)$${\cdots}Y=2.59x-10.88$$ G.E.-C.V.(10%)법(法)Y=2.16x+26.53 (3) 상면(床面) 공기이동(空氣移動) 속기(速氣) Y m/Sec를 배출공기(排出空氣) 속도(速度)${\times}$m/Sec의 함수(凾數)로 하는 회귀직선식(回歸直線式) G.E.-C.V.(50%)법(法)$${\cdots}Y=0.54x+0.84$$ (4) $Co_2$ 축적량(蓄積量)Y(%)를 상면(床面) 공기이동(空氣移動) 속도(速度)${\times}$cm/Sec의 함수(凾數)로 하는 회귀직선식(回歸直線式) G.E.-C.V(50%)법(法)$${\cdots}Y=114.53-6.42x$$ (5) $Co_2$ 축적량(蓄積量)Y(%)를 배출(排出) 공기량(空氣量) $m^3/hr$ 함수(凾數)로 하는 지수곡선식(指數曲線式) G.E.-C.V.(50%)법(法) -$$y=127.18{\times}1.0093^{-X}$$ (6) natural vontilation system에 있어서 양송이 생육(生育)에 적합(適合)한 환경적조건(環境的條件)을 마련하기 위(爲)한 환기구(換氣口)의 단면적(斷面績)은 재배사(栽培舍) 전용적(全容積)에 대(對)하여 다음과 같은 비율(比率)로 할 수 있다. G.E. (지중유입환기구단면적(地中流入換氣口斷面績) $${\cdots}0.3-0.5%$$(요조절(要調節)) C.V. (천정배출환기구단면적(天井排出換氣口斷面績) $${\cdots}0.8-1.0%$$(요조절(要調節)) (7) 본연구(本硏究)에서 실험(實驗)한 각종(各種)의 가열장치중(加熱裝置中) 무압(無壓) 증기수(蒸氣水) 보이라로 사용(使用)할 수 있는 온수(溫水) 보이라가 농가용(農家用) 양송이 재배사(栽培舍) 가열장치(加熱裝置)로서, 그 효과면(効果面)에 있어서나 또는 그가격면(價格面)에 있어서 최적합(最適合)하다는 것이 확인(確認)되고 있다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.