• The Korean Journal of Pain
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.155-166
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• 1989

Bonica defined, that reflex sympathetic dystrophy (RSD) may develop pain, vasomotor abnoramalities, delayed functional recovery, and dystrophic changes on an affected area without major neurologic injury following trauma, surgery or one of several diseased states. This 45 year old male patient had been crushed on his left shoulder by a heavily laden rear car, during his job street cleaning about 10 years ago (1978). At first the pain was localizea only to the site of injury, but with time, it spreaded from the shoulder to the elbow and hand, with swelling. X-ray studies in the local clinic, showed no bone abnormalities of the affected site. During about 10 years following the injury, the had recieved several types of treatments such as nonsteroidal analgesics, steroid injections into the glenoidal cavity (10 times), physical therapy, some oriental herb medicines, and acupuncture over a period of 1~3 months annually. His shoulder pain and it's joint dysfunction persisted with recurrent paroxysmal aggrevation because of being mismanaged or neglected for a sufficiently long period these fore permiting progression of the sympathetic imbalance. On July 14 1988 when he visited our clinic. He complained of burning, aching and had a hyperpathic response or hyperesthesia in touch from the shoulder girdle to the elbow and the hand. Also the skin of the affected area was pale, cold, and there was much sweating of the axilla and palm, but no edema. The shoulder girdle was unable to move due to joint pain with marked weakness. We confirmed skin temperatures $5^{\circ}C$ lower than those of the unaffected axilla, elbow and palm of his hand, and his nails were slightly ridged with lateral arching and some were brittle. On X-ray findings of both the shoulder AP & lateral view, the left humerus and joint area showed diffuse post-traumatic osteoporosis and fibrous ankylozing with an osteoarthritis-like appearance. For evaluating the RSD and it's relief of pain, the left cervical sympathetic ganglion was blocked by injecting 0.5% bupivacaine 5 ml with normal saline 5 ml (=SGB). After 15 minutes following the SGB, the clinical efficacy of the block by the patients subjective score of pain intensity (=PSSPI), showed a 50% reduction of his shoulder and arm pain, which was burning in quality, and a hyperpathic response against palpation by the examiner. The skin temperatures of the axilla and palm rose to $4{\sim}5^{\circ}C$ more than those before the SGB. He felt that his left face and upper extremity became warmer than before the SGB, and that he had reduced sweating on his axilla and his palm. Horner's sign was also observed on his face and eyes. But his deep shoulder joint pain was not improved. For the control of the remaining shoulder joint pain, after 45 minutes following the SGB, a somatic sensory block was performed by injecting 0.5% bupivacaine 6 ml mixed with salmon calcitonin, $Tridol^{(R)}$, $Polydyn^{(R)}$ and triamcinolone into the fossa of the acromioclavicular joint region. The clinical effect of the somatic block showed an 80% releif of the deep joint pain by the PSSPI of the joint motion. Both blocks, as the above mentioned, were repeated a total of 28 times respectively, during 6 months, except the steroid was used just 3 times from the start. For maintaining the relieved pain level whilst using both blocks, we prescribed a low dose of clonazepam, prazocin, $Etravil^{(R)}$, codeine, etodolac micronized and antacids over 6 months. The result of the treatments were as follows; 1) The burning, aching and hyperpathic condition which accompanied with vaosmotor and pseudomotor dysfunction, disappeared gradually to almost nothing, within 3 weeks from the starting of the blocks every other day. 2) The joint disability of the affected area was improved little by little within 6 months. 3) The post-traumatic osteoporosis, fibrous ankylosis and marginal sclerosis with a narrowed joint, showed not much improvement on the X-ray findings (on April 25, 1989) 10 months later in the follow-up. 4) Now he has returned to his job as a street cleaner.

• 생명과학회지
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.329-335
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• 2014

고삼, 감초 및 백선피는 염증성 질환 치료를 위한 목적으로 오랜 동안 사용되어 온 한약제이다. 본 연구에서는 이들 한약제의 에탄올 추출물과 각 한약제 추출물의 복합물에 대한 항염증 효능을 LPS에 의하여 활성화되는 RAW 264.7 대식세포 모델을 사용하여 평가하였다. 이를 위하여 고삼 추출물(EESF), 감초 추출물(EEGU), 백선피추출물(EEDD) 및 추출복합물(MHMIXs)을 준비하였으며, 항염증 효능 평가를 위한 인자로서 대표적인 염증 매개인자로서 NO와 $PGE_2$를, 염증성 cytokine 중에서는 $IL-1{\beta}$와 $TNF-{\alpha}$를 선정하였다. 본 연구의 결과에 의하면, 각 한약제 단독 추출물 및 추출복합물은 LPS로 활성화된 RAW 264.7 대식세포에서 NO와 $PGE_2$ 및 염증성 cytokine의 생성을 모두 억제하였으며, 이러한 생성 억제는 해당 단백질의 발현 억제를 통해 이루어졌다. 비록 각각의 단일 추출물과 추출복합물이 항염증 효과가 우수하다고 평가되지만, 세포 독성과 다양한 염증성 매개인자 및 cytokine의 억제 효과를 전체적으로 고려할 경우 EESF, EEGU 및 EEDD가 3:1:1로 혼합된 MHMIX-1이 항염증 관련약품 및 소재 개발에 보다 효과임을 제안하며, 이는 과도하게 활성화된 대식세포에 의한 염증성 질환 조절에 매우 유용하게 사용될 수 있을 것으로 추정된다.

• 생명과학회지
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.442-449
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• 2017

엉겅퀴(C. japonicum) 부위별 추출물을 기능성 식품소재로 활용가능성을 알아보기 위해서 총 페놀 및 silymarin 화합물의 함량분석, 항산화 및 간 보호효과를 서양엉겅퀴와 비교하였다. 엉겅퀴의 총 페놀함량은 지상부($97.22{\pm}5.51mg/g$)가 지하부($85.32{\pm}3.06mg/g$)보다 많았으며, 서양엉겅퀴의 전초보다 다소 낮은 함량을 보였다. 엉겅퀴의 silymarin 화합물의 총 함량은 서양엉겅퀴의 55.56%이었으며, 지하부($0.47{\pm}0.03mg/g$)는 지상부($0.18{\pm}0.02mg/g$)보다 많이 함유되어 있었다. 또한 지상부에서는 silychristin, silydianin이, 지하부에서는 silychristin, silydianin, silybin B, isosilybin B 등이 검출되었다. 엉겅퀴의 항산화활성은 대체로 서양엉겅퀴보다는 약간 낮았고, 지하부가 지상부보다 높은 활성을 보였다. 엉겅퀴 추출물을 1 mg/ml 농도로 처리하였을 때, DPPH 활성은 지상부와 지하부에서 각각 $83.76{\pm}0.60%$, $88.28{\pm}0.17%$의 활성을 나타났으며, FRAP 활성은 지상부와 지하부에서 각각 $77.63{\pm}0.70$, $82.83{\pm}0.39%$로 나타났다. ABTS 활성도 엉겅퀴 추출물을 0.1 mg/ml 농도로 처리하였을 때, 지하부와 지상부에서 각각 $68.60{\pm}1.24%$와 $63.41{\pm}0.57%$로 나타났다. 엉겅퀴 추출물의 간 보호효과는 지하부에서 지상부보다 다소 높은 활성이 나타났으나 서양엉겅퀴 지상부의 활성보다는 낮았다. t-BHP, $H_2O_2$ 및 Ethanol의 처리에 따른 손상된 간세포에 엉겅퀴 추출물을 0.2 mg/ml씩 처리하였을 때, 세포생존율은 각각 $49.58{\pm}0.34$, $76.87{\pm}1.10$ 및 $71.73{\pm}0.58%$로서 추출물을 처리하지 않았을 때보다 각각 24.78, 61.32 및 38.04%씩 높아졌다. 이와 같은 결과로 볼 때, 본 연구에서는 국내산 엉겅퀴의 간 보호효과를 활용한 기능성 식품의 개발이 가능할 것으로 생각되었다.

• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.109-121
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• 1991

농촌지역 성인의 요통 유병율과 요통 치료형태를 조사하기 위하여 1991년 4월 1일부터 20일 까지 경상북도 안동군 서후면에 거주하고 있는 만 20세에서 59세 사이 남${\cdot}$여 주민 총 2,024명을 대상으로 가정방문하여 면담이 완료된 1,106명을 대상으로 분석하였다. 면담된 1,l06명 중 530명이 요통을 경험하여 기간 유병율이 $47.9\%$였는데 연령교정한 남자의 유병율은 $43.7\%$, 여자는 $52.3\%$로 남여간에 통계적으로 유의한 차이를 보였다(p<0.005). 요통환자들의 요통 경과양상은 재발성이 남여 각각 $57.0\%,\;55.2\%$로 가장 높았고, 만성이 $28.9\%,\;35.8\%$, 급성미 $14.1\%,\;9.0\%$였다. 요통원인은 '원인은 잘 모르겠으나 나이가 들면서' $48.1\%$, '일을많이 해서' $15.1\%$, '외부의 물리적 충격'이 $11.3\%$ 등이었다. 요통환자 가운데 요통으로 일상생활을 제대로 못하거나 누워서 생활하는 사람이 $2.5\%$, 1시간 이상서 있거나 걸을 수 없는 사람이 $12.5\%$나 되었다. 요통환자의 $56.6\%$는 요통진단을 받기 위해 의료기관을 이용한 적이 없었고 $31.3\%$ 는 병${\cdot}$의원을 이용하였다. 아무 진단을 받지 않은 이유는 '별로 심하지 않고 견딜만 해서'가 $75.7\%$였다. 요통 치료양상은 첫번째 치료로 약물치료와 물리치료를 받은 경우가 남여 각각 $34.1\%,\;36.3\%$였고, 두 번째 치료로는 한약을 제일 많이 이용했고, 세번째 치료로는 침술을 제일 많이 이용했다. 요통환자들의 $15.5\%$가 민속요법을 사용한 경험이 있는데 그 내용을 '익모초를 삶아서 즙을 마셨다'. '닭 삶은, 국물에 소주를 섞어 마셨다'는 등 35가지로 다양하였다. 본 연구결과로 요통이 농촌주민들에게 중요한 보건문제임을 알 수 있었고, 요통이 발생하여도 병${\cdot}$의원을 이용한 사람은 3분의 1밖에 되지 않았고, 비과학적인 치료법을 많이 사용하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 합리적인 요통치료법에 관한 보건교육 실시와 비과학적인 민속요법의 모용과 남용으로 인한 부작용과 의료비의 낭비를 막기 위한 홍보활동이 요구된다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.