• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
• /
• 제29권4호
• /
• pp.33-55
• /
• 2019

This study is aimed at drawing up improvement measures in connection with the resolution of claims, one of the major constraints in revitalizing South-North Korean economic cooperation. To that end, we first looked at the structure of South-North Korean economic cooperation and the institutional status related to resolving the claims. Also we analyzed the current status of the claims in the process of promoting South-North Korean economic cooperation by companies and the provisions of the claims between the parties in order to derive any problems. Through these research results, we were able to identify directions and implications for efficient improvement of the causes of several South-North Korean economic cooperation claims. First, at the corporate level, there is a need to create specific details of a contract for resolving disputes and to add additional third-party coordination functions in the relevant clause of the contract in preparation for the occurrence of a dispute. In addition, it is necessary to seek ways to advance jointly with corporations in China and other third countries in order to secure stability. Second, the government should continue to discuss ways of promoting South-North Korean commercial arbitration with North Korea so that follow-up measures can be completed as soon as possible. In addition, a two-track strategy is suggested to provide a practical negotiation channel at the private level. Also it is necessary to be active in persuading North Korea to join the international arbitration treaty in preparation for the activation of full-fledged economic exchanges.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권34호
• /
• pp.128-148
• /
• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• 대한가정학회지
• /
• 제35권2호
• /
• pp.321-331
• /
• 1997

This paper begins with the question, 'What is the life of women living in the South Korea and North Korea?'. The question is quite significant but not known well. In fact, there have been great differences between South and North-Korean societies since the partition of the Korean Peninsula. In this sense, the family life in women living in south and North Korea can not be exceptional. The task on which women in South and North Korea are currently facing is not only to overcome heterogeneity in such areas as politics, economics, and socio-cultural systems, but also to recover homogeneity we had shared for a long history before the partition. The difference in the ideology makes a difference to decide on a policy on the household work. It comes out of the socialization method of household work. In North-Korea, the collectivization of household work get a lot of accomplished in South-Korea. This made differences in the domesticity between South-Korea and North-Korea. So, the purpose of this study is to compare the domesticity in North-Korea and South-Korea to prepare for unification of North and South-Korea. To compare the family life in South-Korea and North-Korea, this study adjusts the focus of the socialization of household work. Ther is a great difference in the ideology between the two political systems. In the North korean society, in order to help women manage their 'the double role' for home and workshop, the socialization of housework strategy has been strongly recommended. But socialization of housework strategy has been proven to have a number of problems: the loss of family individuality, inhumanization of family, family's scattering, and a low quality. Therefore, this strategy has not been used widely. But, the collectivization of housework has been used widely. There are three types in the socialization of housework: the commercialism of housework(가사노동의 영리화), the collectivization of housework(가사노동의 집단화), and the public of housework(가사노동의 공공화). Otherwise, the commercialism of housework has been used widely in south korean society. Yet it is very far from North-Korean life due to a shortage of goods. As a result, the different idelogies result the different family life. The different family life is proven to the different socialization of housework. This is very significant. If the unification of North and South Korea is realized, the socialiation of housework can be used a strategies to overcome the differences of the South and the North.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
• /
• 제1권2호
• /
• pp.5-31
• /
• 2000

The summit meeting of the South North Korean leaders was a turning point in the relationships between the two countries. It was followed by the Red-Cross Meeting, Minister-Level Meeting, economic agreements, which have increased the relationship more colorful in both quantities and qualities. However, the half-century period for separation was too long to overcome all the problems by only one event. The two countries have quite different social systems; one politically strong person is governing the North, while many interest groups are involved in political decision making processes in the South. In short, it would take a long time to settle down all the problems residing between the two countries. A system dynamics model is developed to describe the long term dynamics of the relations between the South and North Koreas. As a first attempt, the model focuses only on the diplomatic meeting issues between the South and North. The model aggregates diplomatic issues into 5 categories; economic issues, security issues, infrastructure, cultural issues, and past problems. It assumes that there would not be any dramatic changes between the two countries. It is a conceptual model composed of around 200 variables, and should not be used as a forecast tool. However, it captures most of the logics discussed in the papers and conferences concerning the South and North Korea relations. Many sensitivity studies and Monte Carlo simulations have shown that the simulation results matches with mental models of experts; that is the model can be used as a learning tool or as a secondary opinion until the data required by the model is collected. In order to analyze the current situation, five scenarios are simulated and analyzed; the functional approach, the conditional approach, the balanced approach, the circumstantial approach, and the strategic approach. The functional approach represents that the South makes efforts in the area where the possibility of agreement is high for the next 10 years. The conditional approach is a scenario where the South impose all difficult issues as conditions for resolving other diplomatic issues. The balanced approach is resolving the five issues with the same priorities, while the circumstantial approach is resolving issues which seem to be resolved easily. Finally, another optimum approach has been seek using the system dynamics model developed. The optimum strategy (it is named as the strategic approach) was strikingly different from other four approaches. The optimum strategy is so complicated that no one could find it with mental model(or by just insights). Considering that the system dynamic model used to find the optimum is a simplifind (maybe over simplified) version of the reality, it is concluded that a well designed system dynamics model would be of great help to resolving the complicated diplomatic problems in any kind.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• 제48권1호
• /
• pp.62-71
• /
• 2015

Objectives: This study aimed to investigate North Korean refugees' knowledge of mental illnesses and treatments and analyze the factors affecting this knowledge. Methods: Subjects were selected via a snowball sampling method, and the survey outcomes of 152 North Korean refugee participants were analyzed. The factors affecting knowledge of mental illnesses were analyzed via a regression analysis by constructing a multivariate model with mental illness knowledge score as the dependent variable. Results: The North Korean refugees' mental illness scores ranged from 3 to 24 points, with an average score of 13.0. Regarding the factors that influence mental illness knowledge, the subjects with South Korean spouses and those who had spent more time in South Korea had higher knowledge scores. Furthermore, the subjects who considered the mental health of North Korean refugees to be a serious issue revealed lower knowledge scores than those who did not believe it was a serious issue. The subjects who visit psychiatric clinics showed higher knowledge scores than those who do not. The South Korean subjects who had at least a college education exhibited higher scores than did those without advanced education. The subjects who are satisfied with life in South Korea manifested a higher mental illness knowledge score than those who are not. Conclusions: This study is significant as being the first study to ever measure and evaluate the level of North Korean refugees' knowledge of mental illnesses. In addition, the evaluations of North Korean refugees' mental illness knowledge and influencing factors while residing in South Korea created basic data that formed the foundation of an effort to enhance mental health literacy and provide proper mental health services. The results of this study can be utilized to solve mental health problems that might frequently occur during the unification process of North and South Korea in the future.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제53권3호
• /
• pp.184-201
• /
• 2020

해방 이후 북한과 남한의 고고학은 전혀 다른 길을 걸어오게 된다. 특히 1970년대 이후 급격히 정치성을 띠기 시작한 북한 고고학과 대규모 유적 발굴로 학문적 성장이 가속화된 남한 고고학은 큰 차이를 보이기 시작하며, 이러한 양상은 1990년대 대동강문화의 천명 이후 더 이상 공유되는 부분이 없을 정도의 괴리가 생겨나게 된다. 그리고 이러한 괴리는 '고조선'을 전후한 청동기시대와 철기시대에 더욱 두드러진다. 그럼에도 불구하고 남한의 선사 고고학은 지속적으로 북한 고고학에 시선을 둘 수밖에 없다. 아직도 중요한 연구 주제 중인 '문화의 기원과 계통'을 찾는데 있어 북한의 자료가 주된 연구 대상이지만 그 신뢰성에 의문을 표하는 '이중적인 시선'이 남한의 고고학이 북한 고고학을 바라보는 시선인 것이다. 북한 청동기시대 고고학과 남한 청동기시대 고고학에서 보이는 '괴리'의 많은 부분은 조사 사례의 증가, 학술적인 토론 등으로는 해결되지 않는 '정치적 차이'에 의한 것이다. 그럼에도 북한 선사 고고학의 흐름을 살펴보는 것은 북한 고고학의 정치성을 비판하기 위한 것은 아니다. 북한에서 현재 청동기시대를 바라보는 인식과 남한의 인식에 어떠한 차이가 있으며, 이후 북한의 자료를 포함하여 '한반도의 선사문화', 더 나아가 동북아시아의 선사문화를 설명하는데 어떠한 문제점이 있는지를 미리 확인해 두고자 하는 것이다. 본고에서는 지금까지 북한 청동기시대 고고학의 연구 흐름을 살펴보고 동시기 남한 청동기시대 고고학과 비교하여 어떠한 쟁점들이 있는지를 검토하였다.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권39호
• /
• pp.5-46
• /
• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• 한국수자원학회논문집
• /
• 제44권4호
• /
• pp.305-314
• /
• 2011

북한강 수계의 경우 북한이 임남댐을 개발하여 유역변경식으로 물을 이용하고 있어 하류지역에서 여러 가지 문제가 나타나고 있다. 따라서 남 북한이 공유하천을 효과적으로 관리하기 위해서는 수량이나 수질 등 다양한 분야에서의 협력이 절실히 요구되고 있다. 그러나 남 북공유하천에서 상 하류국가간 물이용의 공평성을 실현하기 위한 노력은 매우 미흡한 실정이다. 본 논문에서는 남북공유하천의 공평한 물이용의 판단기준이 되는 수리권을 검토하기 위해 북한의 임남댐에 의한 영향을 주요 분야별로 심도 있게 분석하였다. 분석결과, 한강유역의 용수공급은 1978년을 이수안전도 평가를 위한 기준갈수년으로 할 경우 임남댐으로 인해 379백만$m^3$/년의 공급부족이 발생하는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 한강 수계의 발전용댐도 유입량 감소로 인하여 연간발전량이 234GWh/년 감소하게 되었고, 수질은 북한강 삼봉리 지점 기준 BOD 약 0.065 ppm 증가하는 것으로 분석되었다. 결과적으로 남북공유하천에서 북한의 절대영토주권주의에 입각한 불공평한 수자원 이용은 하류국가인 남한에 직 간접적으로 상당한 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인하였다.

• 대한가정학회지
• /
• 제44권7호
• /
• pp.141-152
• /
• 2006

This study explores the social-cultural adjustments of North Korean defectors with respect to their self-esteem and internal attribution. The data were obtained from a survey of 195 North Korean defectors who had recently entered South Korea. The respondents had moderate difficulties in their social-cultural adjustment consisting of social activity restriction, discrimination, and social exclusion. Their social-cultural adjustment was positively associated with internal attribution. Those with internal attribution tended to have fewer problems in adjusting to the social systems and culture of South Korea. The findings of this study imply that psychological resources play a role in enhancing the social-cultural adjustment of North Korean defectors.

• 의정연구
• /
• 제25권3호
• /
• pp.69-96
• /
• 2019

본 논문은 현재 북한의 비핵화가 점점 불확실해지고 있고, 미국의 안보 공약에 대한 불신을 제거할 수 없는 상황이라는 전제하에 한국이 보유하고 있는 비핵전력으로 북한의 핵공격을 억제 또는 방어할 수 있는 노력의 방향을 제시하기 위한 목적으로 작성되었다. 이를 위하여 제2장에서는 비핵전력으로 핵위협에 대응하는 방법을 열거 및 설명하였고, 제3장에서는 이에 근거하여 한국의 실태를 분석하였으며, 제4장에서는 한국이 노력해야 할 방향을 제시하였다. 분석을 통하여 본 논문은 북한의 핵위협이 심각한 정도에 비해서 한국의 대비태세는 미흡하고, 특히 2018년 시작된 북한의 비핵화를 둘러싼 협상으로 인하여 기존에 추진해오던 '3축 체계'의 추진이 지체되고 있다고 평가하였다. 결국 미국의 확장억제가 제대로 이행되지 않을 경우 한국의 억제 및 방어에 심각한 문제가 발생할 수밖에 없는 상황이다. 이제 한국은 핵전략의 최소억제 개념에 근거하여 북한이 핵공격을 가할 경우 참수작전을 시행하겠다는 의지를 과시하고 그 능력을 구비하는 것에 최우선적인 비중을 둘 필요가 있다. 선제타격의 경우에도 타격시점을 더욱 앞당길 수밖에 없고, 탄도미사일방어의 경우 담당기구를 격상시키고 주한미군의 그것과 결합시켜 나가야 할 것이다. 핵폭발 시를 대비한 대피소 구축 등에도 노력할 필요가 있다.