Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.
The National Museum of Korea conducted conservation treatmenton the armor in its collection for the purposes of public display and appropriate preservation. This was preceded by a literature study on the types and features of the armor in order to collect basic data for secure and accurate conservation treatment. The literature study found that during the Joseon dynasty, armor was named in reflection of precise details including the color, material, status of the wearer, and even the certain parts of a suit of armor. In general, the name of armor includes the details in the order of color, underlying textile, and scale material (e.g., iron, leather). The former part of the name presents the features of the garment and the latter part refers to the material of the scales or the status of the wearer. The study also found that main materials used in armor include textiles, leather, and metal, and armor can be classified by the materials of the scales-e.g., metal armor (鐵甲), leather armor (皮甲), paper armor (紙甲), paper-and-fabric armor (淹心甲), silk armor (緞甲). Joseon-period armor can also be classified into four types according to its structure and the method of wearing, and overcoat(袍)-style armor was the most widely used in the period following the Japanese Invasion of Joseon (1592-1598) through the late nineteenth~early twentieth century. Overcoat-style armor was commonly worn by infantry, and the four examples of armor with leather scales at the National Museum of Korea belong to this category.
William Morris(1834-1896) was the most versatile and talented of all British nineteenth century polymaths. Since his death over one hundred years ago his achievements as an artist, designer, manufacturer, shop-keeper, poet, author, publisher, printer, collector, teacher, conservationist, political activist and environmentalist have influenced the lives and work of people throughout the world. Moris is now best known for his attractive and colorful patterns. The decorating firm of Morris, Marshall, Fault & Company(Morris & Company after 1875) was established in 1861. Over the years it produced works, ranging from stained·glass windows and furniture to tapestries, carpets and printed and woven fabrics, that had great influence on the course of British design. His earliest experiments with the craft were amateurishly worked embroideries made for his own use. Before long, Morris began to produce textiles on a more commercial basis. In order to control production properly, Morris set about learning the various textiles techniques, first dyeing and blockprinting, hand-loom jacquard and eventually, carpet and tapestry weaving. This extraordinary involvement with the practical side of manufacture separated Morris from all other designers of his time and contributed in no small way to his success. Morris's designs for textiles, embroidery, dyeing, woven, carpet and tapestry were commercially produced, that are most universally admired and frequently copied today. These have a timeless quality arising from the designers respect for and knowledge of the technique. Of equal importance was his love of nature, evidence of which can be seen in even the smallest details of each of his patterns.
'The Joobang' is a cooking book written purely in Korean which came from a Mr. Lee. It is unknown when and by whom this book was written, but it is inferred from red pepper mentioned in this book and from Korean-writting type that the book was written around in the mid-nineteenth century. The contents of 'the Joobang' consist of thirty seven items in all : sixteen items of rice alcoholics, five side dishes, eleven Tucks(rice cakes) and Guaja(cookies) and five processed materials. Cereals for making rice alcoholics were regular rice and sticky rice. In the first brew, rice alcoholics is made all from regular rice, and in the second brew, fifty six percent of regular rice and forty four percent of sticky rice was made use of. For five items of alcoholics forming 31.3% of alcoholics, flour was added, in which case the proportion of leaven to cereals was lower. There were four types of processing cereals in brewing rice alcoholics Jee-ae-bop(steamed rice, 60.9%), thick gruel with cereals ground and completely cooked(8.7%), thick gruel with cereals ground and half cooked (26.1%) and GooMung Tuck(doughnut-shaped rice cake, 4.3%). The comparison of the materials for brewing rice alcoholics and of the types of processing cereals presented in the seven cooking books purely in Korean(Umsik Deemeebang, JoobangMoon, Umsikbo, Sool-mandununbop, Kyuhap chongseo. The Kims' Joobangmoon and The Lee's Umsikbup) showed us the following facts ; Yihwajoo (rice alcoholics brewed around the blooming time of pear trees) and Kwahajoo(rice alcoholics which passed the summed time) were most often introduced and commonest, and the materials for brewing and the types of processing little changed over times. The materials for side dishes were all animal food, and vegetable food was little used for side dishes. Red pepper was used for seasoning. It is a problem of Korean traditional cooking that there were no units of measuring for side dishes. The main materials for Tuck(rice cakes) and Guaja(cookies) were sticky rice, regular rice and honey. There was a variety of terms for the process, from which we can see that the procedures of making Tuck(rice cakes) and Guaja(cookies) were very complicate. Processed materials were chiefly made of sticky rice and the material of firewood(oak trees) and the strength of fire(fire burning vigorously and fire turning to ashes) were described.
Christina Rossetti's novella Maude displays Tractarian influences in terms of Holy Eucharist, Puseyism, and the doctrine of Reserve. Tractarianism is High Church revival movement of nineteenth century. In the story a teenage girl, Maude went through hard time receiving Holy Eucharist due to self-consciousness and internal guilt according to Puseyism. She felt guilty when she enjoyed worldly things and outward beauty. Due to guilt Maude refused to receive Holy Communion, which is complete connection to God. Her cousin, Agnes suggested that in refusing Holy Communion Maude is following her own will not God's will. Later Maude overcame Puseyite thought of self-hatred and reconciled with her identity as a poet and a woman. Maude oscillates between concealing and revealing, secrecy and truth, sincerity and affectation, and modesty and display. Her marvelous poetic talent makes people praise her but she withholds private feelings and attempts to divert attention from herself. Like Maude herself, the meaning of her poems is at times reserved and withheld. This tendency goes with the doctrine of Reserve in Tractarianism. The doctrine of Reserve utilizes indirect methods to reveal divine attributes because finite human being can not accept infinite God. The doctrine of Reserve sees to it that the expression will be veiled, indirect, subdued and self-effacing. Rossetti adapts a poetic method of Reserve when Maude has anxiety over 'display and poetry' and generates the reticence, secrecy, mystery, renunciation, modesty and detachment. According to Mary Arseneau, by veiling and expressing herself through symbols she can rise above the self and employ the phenomenal to suggest a noumenal reality. Thus the poetry becomes an expression of longing for the divine. The poem "Three Nuns" exemplifies Maude's maturity and gradual progress in the relationship with God. Rossetti suggests the vision full of hopes and promises of reuniting with God. In conclusion, in some sense, authoritative and conservative Tractarianism affects Rossetti both ways. On the one hand, it makes Rossetti abnegate herself and leads her to asceticism, on the other hand, it makes Rossetti express her faith in God and write amazing devotional poems such as "Three Nuns". A poem within the poem has three voices that are in perfect harmony. In the poem the first and second nun show hesitation to fully commit to God's will and the desire for the world prevents them from having heavenly joy. Third nun reveals spiritual maturity and sings new life in God where their hopes and joys begin. Rossetti expresses the procedure of spiritual growth through the poem "Three Nuns". For Rossetti, self-abnegation and self-expression both are involved in the doctrine of Reserve, Puseyism and Holy Communion.
Kim, Myung Jin;Son, Myoung Soo;Kim, Tae Hong;Sung, Ki Seok
Journal of Conservation Science
/
v.34
no.6
/
pp.481-492
/
2018
We conducted TL/OSL dating for the earthenware kilns in the Bongsan-ri archaeological site, Osong, which was occupied from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth century. With the SAR-TL/OSL method, paleodose was determined from the equivalent dose during the burial period($ED_{burial}$), the background dose($ED_{BG}$), the fading correction factor(f), and the overestimation correction factor(C). The annual dose rates and their provenance were evaluated from the measurement of natural radionuclides $^{238}U$, $^{232}Th$, and $^{40}K$. Because the comprehensive absolute age was provided by combining the resulting TL/OSL and radiocarbon data, we concluded that, for the absolute chronology of a modern archaeological site, TL/OSL dating and radiocarbon dating must be carried out together and summed. The construction and occupation of earthenware kilns in the Bongsan-ri site had changed from stage I (No.5, 6 kilns), to stage II (No.1, 2, 3 kilns), to stage III (No.4) in chronological order. When Bayesian statistics were applied, we found that the absolute ages of occupation for stages I, II, and III correspond to AD $1910{\pm}23$, AD $1970{\pm}10$, and AD $1987{\pm}4$. These results were in good agreement with the archaeological context or chronology.
According to Hans Kippenberg, the foundation of an academic study of religions coincided with the beginnings of modernization. Since the second half of the nineteenth century most European countries were involved in a process of rapid social change. The repercussions that this had for daily life were momentous. Instead of working for their traditional needs, people now had to produce goods for a market. Old customs ceded to private contracts and political laws. The superior knowledge of science replaced the inherited worldview. This deep changed severed societies from their ties to the past. Many educated people in Europe believed in an imminent end of all religions. Had not the scientific progress superseded the religious worldview? Historians had to come to terms with that expectation when they directed their attention to historical religions. Friedrich Max Muller introduced a new science, so-called Religionswissenschaft through the study of the ancient Vedic sources. He thought that genuine religion was a taste for, and sense of, the infinite. From his point of view, the Indian sources confirm that nature is more than mechanical laws. Thus his interpretation sought to contradict the materialist ideology of his day. Edward Burnett Tylor described religions as a kind of natural philosophy. His notion of 'soul' functioned to explain natural events. This legacy of the past cannot be missed even in modern society. Only the concept of the soul may preserve human dignity in an age of materialism. Gerardus van der Leeuw, also tried to perform the same function of the cultural critique for the renewal of the religious imagination in modern, rationalized Europe imprisoned in the iron-cage. In this respect, we could think that the interpretations of the history of the History of Religions in the light of the intellectual history are very suggestive for the korean student of religion. It helps them to describe the early history of the study of religion in Korea. For example, Yi Neung Wha(李能和) is regarded as 'a father of korean religious studies, but no one could present a proper answer for the question of why and through which connection of his intellectual milieu he was interested in the religious history and the study of religion. We would discover its signification in his confrontation of the prevailing social thought, such as social evolutionism.
Up until the early twentieth century in Germany, there were two research trends: 1) emphasizing objectives and making detailed observations of archaeological artifacts and sites, 2) tracing the remains of specific nations or ethnic groups and defining their temporal-spatial boundaries by conducting research on material culture in terms of nationalism or ethnocentrism. After the Second World War ended and Germany was divided, West German archaeology focused on observations of artifacts and sites, cataloging them, and doing research on chronology and distribution following their own traditional methodologies. East German archaeology attempted to prove the developing process of history and its Marxist principles based upon material culture and to examine the historic value of inherent specific cultural heritage based on criteria regarding how it corresponded to socialism and contributed to the development of socialism. Nevertheless, East and West German archaeology shared traditional archaeological methods inherited from German archaeology since the nineteenth century, and contact between archaeologists in West and East Germany continued to a degree. Furthermore, East German archaeology produced significant archaeological achievements acknowledged by West German and European archaeologists. These facts provided the momentum to complete rapid incorporation of the archaeologies of West and East Germany in spite of a one-sided process imposed by West German archaeology. In the case of Korea, it seems necessary to make an effort to share common research history and traditions and to encourage mutual academic exchange (e.g. joint excavation and archaeological research). Furthermore, it is also imperative to have open-minded attitudes toward accepting substantial results and interpretations achieved by North Korean archaeologists under scrutiny when and where necessary, despite seeming to have been fossilized by Marxism and Juche ideology. Any efforts to narrow the gap in archaeological research and conservation of cultural heritage between the archaeologies of South and North Korea should be made immediately. The case of Germany demonstrates how such a project could proceed efficaciously.
In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.
In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.
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