• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.58-82
• /
• 2024

Former South Korean President Moon Jae-in implemented a project called the Peace Initiative, which prioritized a "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" as the core national agenda and involved using a peace-based frame instead of a unification approach to address inter-Korean relations from a different perspective. This initiative was evaluated in this study using a revised version of the pyramid model to assess the input-output-result process underlying the project and determine whether it generated results that differed from those achieved by the previous administration. To these ends, this research compared Moon's key presidential speeches with those of his predecessor, Park Geun-hye, as input, news commentaries and responses from major players as output, and the trend of perceptional and attitudinal changes in public opinion as results. Although Moon failed to accomplish significant policy effects on inter-Korean relations because of geopolitical challenges and the transfer of power to the conservative party, the analysis revealed that the input, output, and partial results of inter-Korean dialogue reflect some progress.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.79
• /
• pp.104-139
• /
• 2016

This study investigated how Korean media covered Japan's position on her past history issues proposed by Abe' Shinzo's cabinet. The researchers adopted Entman's analytical tools for frame analysis and the concept of "frame changing" proposed by Chi and McCombs. The analysis rendered several propositions. First of all, the Korean media's coverage on Japan's past history issues focused heavily on the current conflict among two nations rather than constructing a futuristic viewpoint based on a thorough discussion on the historical background of the topic. In addition, it emphasized that the conflict should be resolved by political negotiations between the two governments. Secondly, the news coverages depicted "comfort women" issues as the prime element of the conflict, describing Abe's cabinet as the major inducer of the conflict. Ideological and political divisions among Korean media did not significantly influence on how they frame Japan's past history issues. In general, Korean media took the stance of ethnocentric "patriotic journalism," advocating Korean government's position and covering the emotional reactions from Korean public instead of providing through and through objective news coverage on Japan's past history issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.25
• /
• pp.65-102
• /
• 2004

The purpose of this study was to examine the news attributes of the nuclear waste storage facility in Wido by conducting content analysis of two newspapers (Chosun Ilbo and Hangyoreh) and Ohmynews. Furthermore, this study measured the effects of news attributes on readers' attitude, opinion, and recognition of the event. The results of the content analysis indicated that all three newspapers focused on event-oriented coverage than issue-oriented one. Also, they only dealt with two issues-decision making process of the residents and rewards for residents-among a total of nine issues. That is, according to the hypothesis of the second-level agenda-setting theory, the media emphasize on a particular attribute while ignoring other attributes, which, in turn, make the particular attributes more salient. Based on the results of content analysis, this study conducted an experiment to measure the effects of media attributes on public recognition toward the attributes in terms of cognitive and of affective aspects. The results showed a significant relationship between media attributes and public attributes, which confirmed the effects of the second-level agenda setting. However, the transfer of attributes did not take place in affecting public opinion and public recognition of the event itself.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.117-151
• /
• 2008

This paper regards former Samsung lawyer Kim Yong-Chul's action of claiming Samsung Group's slush fund as typical Whistle-Blowing from inside. News frames in KBS, SBS TV were examined through comparative analysis. In formal feature, 'episodic news frame' hold an absolute majority in both stations. From news sources, the group of whistle-blower such as lawyer Kim Yong-Chul and civic groups was confronted with Samsung and state authorities including the Prosecutor, financial agencies. Analysis on the theme of news coverages demonstrated 5 frames: 'public announcing frame', 'news of conflict frame' 'demanding a close inquiry frame', 'declaration of conscience frame', 'causing social upheaval frame', Analysis result shows that 'public announcing frame' was most frequently used in reporting and there was distinction between KBS and SBS in 'declaration of conscience frame' and 'causing social upheaval frame'. Relatively KBS preferred 'declaration of conscience frame' and SBS would use 'causing social upheaval frame', from which reciprocal relation as media ownership could be analogized. Both media tend to make light of in-depth news coverages on structural issues or essential settlement and it is shown that both stations treated this situation with intriguing audiences as stressing sensitive parts in this event. Follow-up of changing process of 'declaration of conscience frame' through diachronic analysis on framing informs that additional exposure of 'Lee Yong Chul', former secretary in Nov 19, 2007 influenced increasing of frequency of using 'declaration of conscience frame'. However, news reporting on whistle-blower in KBS and SBS generally adheres to passive attitude of following changes in the surroundings rather than playing an active role in improving social recognition on whistle-blowing, which can induce to the spread of negative feature on it. Thus it is assumed that terrestial television broadcasting should regard whistle-blowing as contradiction in social structures and active depth reporting seems to be neded for improving social recognition on whistle-blowing.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.202-226
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.12 no.12
• /
• pp.823-833
• /
• 2012

Workplace learning is actually vastly underutilized as of yet even though it is necessary preparation course for the skilled broadcasting people. This paper pays attentions to the workplace learning that carried out by the college students as a class activity to find the way to get a desirable result for the job training. Data obtained from the focus group discussion comprised of 14 college students majoring broadcasting. Based on the results of the discussion, it finds that students faced detailed broadcasting environments let them adjust to and realize the position and role of contents providers who are struggling to survive competitive period. The students experienced informal learning reached to the tacit knowledge - including interview skill, camera and editing details, news framing, and interpersonal relationships - through a various routes such as mistakes, feedbacks, competitions and imitations while they practiced in the workplace. From these findings, this paper can conclude that the lecturers who are leading job training courses need to be concerned and utilize workplace learning actively.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.314-358
• /
• 2008

This study examined how the meaning of news stories covering the split of national opinion was constructed in the media to represent social conflicts. To clarify the function of the term 'split of national opinion' as an ultimate term, this study examined the meaning of the term in the context of both text and society. Ten newspapers were included in the content analysis. The frequency of words used for the purpose of metaphor and equivalent in describing the split of national opinion was calculated to determine their meaning in the textual context. The frequency of incidents and subjects involved in allegedly causing the split of national opinion was calculated to determine their meaning in the social context. The results of this study are summarized as follows: First, the term 'split of national opinion' was coined by the newspapers as a metaphor of disease, disaster, and cost. The attitudes or the ways in which the split of national opinion was dealt with were generally negative and passive. Second, the term 'split of national opinion' was dealt with an equivalent status of such terms as national policy, national loss, societal problems, and ideology. Third, each newspaper reported that the split of national opinion had been caused by certain subjects, which indicates that each newspaper had its own position of viewing who was the key player in splitting the national opinion. The implication was also discussed that the use of the ultimate term would incur the unbalance of power between participants and the existing players, which would make individuals or groups who were involved in the social actions excluded and make the newspapers exercise the rhetorical power as news media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.35
• /
• pp.362-393
• /
• 2006

The purpose of this manuscript was to investigate the effects of issue involvement and relation of perceivers to comparison targets on the magnitude of third person perceptions. The investigation was expected to help us to understand the underlying process of third person effect hypothesis. Data was collected from adult residents in Ohio, United States by telephone survey in 2003(n=524). Like most other third person effect studies, this study supported the hypothesis: Respondents perceived more media effects on others than themselves for both 'Negative media portrayals of smokers' and 'News coverage of Roman Catholic priest's sexual scandals'. Results of five hypothesis tests suggest that when relationship between a perceiver and a particular comparison target is present third person perception is explained more by cognitive components than motivational components. In this case, third person perception varies with comparison target's issue involvement while it is independent of social distance between the perceivers and the comparison target. Also, perceivers' issue involvement positively correlates with the magnitude of third person effect. Based on the results, it is concluded that when perceives or a comparison target is involved in a message cognitive processes accounting for the relationship can impact the magnitude of third person effect. An important theoretical implication of the study is that third person effect is, to some extent, related with framing effect and priming effect.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.15 no.9
• /
• pp.87-97
• /
• 2017

This paper examined how consumers' attitude toward the telecommunication expense was affected by news reports through the experiment. Participants were randomly assigned to one of four group (control group, high-expense-claimed-media group, low-expense-claimed-media group, and both-exposed-media group), and asked to indicate credibility & neutrality toward media report, similarity between media report, and their own thought, their attitude toward the telecommunication expense. The result of ANOVA showed that the high-expense-claimed-media was perceived more credible and neutral than the low-expense-claimed-media. ANCOVA was conducted to eliminate the impact of similarity between media report and their own thought on the evaluation of credibility & neutrality toward media report, and the result showed that there was no difference. Also, participants evaluated the telecommunication service so expensive, regardless of what kind of media reports they were exposed. We found that consumers' prior belief, which telecommunication service was expensive, might interrupt consumers' learning process for new information from media. To resolve the social pressure about mobile service rate-cutting, it is necessary to investigate how to dampen consumers' stereotype about the telecommunication expense. The future research using the framing effect could be considerable.