• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.61-70
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• 2019

The painting group of Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasty is an era of confusion between the orthodox who faithfully cooperated with the Qing Dynasty and the individualist who had a hostile attitude. The country was ruined by these dynasties, and the family left the real world with the suffering of the breakdown and stayed in the mountains.Paldaesanin and Seokdo, the representative Yumin painters, did not form any a sect as a unique expression style for finding a true self.And, through his work, he expressed on madness and oddity through new ideas and composition that he feels misery and anger in his heart. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. Paldaesanin portrayed a strange figure with a spirit of resistance and a sad and angered emotion, through a unique technique of painting.The content is cynical, satirical, ironic, and on madness and oddity. On the other hand, Seokdo explained "ilhoeg" that the method of writing and the method of writing in "Hwaeolog" agree with each other.This has allowed us to achieve autonomy as a "rule without rules" that goes beyond the existing rules. And he delicately portrayed beauty, desire, and emotion with the use of sensuous brushes and the beauty of the colors.Their unique paintings were later conveyed to yangjupalgoe and led to the flow of paintings in the 18th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.38-42
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• 2019

Purpose Although computed tomography (CT) is used for coronary artery calcification, it is difficult to differentiate between high risk microcalcifications. Studies have shown that $^{18}F$-sodium fluoride ($^{18}F-NaF$) is very useful for the diagnosis of microcalcifications. In this study, we aimed to evaluate the usefulness of $^{18}F-NaF$ PET imaging in quantitative evaluation of calcification. Materials and Methods A total of 45 patients ($67.1{\pm}6.9years\;old$) were injected with 250 MBq of $^{18}F-NaF$ for 1 hour and images were acquired for 30 minutes. All patients underwent CT angiography (CTAngiography, CTA) before the PET scan. The SUVmax of calcification was measured and the background radioactivity of the left atrium was measured to determine Target to Background (TBR) and quantitatively analyzed. High risk group was classified through ROC curve (Receiver Operating Characteristic Curve). Results There were 226 coronary artery calcifications in the cohort and SUVmax was $1.15{\pm}0.39$. Of the 28 patients (62%), 58 were classified as high risk (TBR > 1.25). The remaining 168 were $TBR{\leq}1.25$. Conclusion $^{18}F-NaF$ PET images were available for quantitative assessment of microcalcifications and could be classified into high-risk groups. The combination of angiographic CT and $^{18}F-NaF$ PET may be a new method for early diagnosis of high-risk microcalcifications.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.49-57
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• 2020

Traditional landscape is a cultural asset left by Seonhyeon to modern society, and it can not only understand the landscape culture of ancient tradition but also provides / provided a new creative material for modern landscape designs / designed. However, it is well known that Korea and China have a relationship between the development and exchange of landscaping in a global background, the succession of traditional landscape architecture culture in a global background covers many dimensions, including protection, development and innovation, and that "traditional and modern" and "regionally and internationality" should be harmonized with each other. This study uses traditional Korean and Chinese landscaping buildings as research subjects to extract and organize related data through various channels, including basic literature research that understands the history and culture of the two countries. I interpreted the cultural backgrounds of the two countries by dividing them into religious ideas, traditional culture, and natural views, and highlighted the history of development and the relationship between the two countries. Based on this, it analyzed the differences created by traditional landscaping between Korea and China, and also specifically analyzed the "creation of righteous army" and "the law of righteous army." In particular, this study sought to inherit and innovate traditional landscape culture for the internationalization of "One Belt, One Road" based on the characteristics of Korea and China's landscape through a comparative analysis of the construction elements and methods of Yihwawon of the Ming and Qing periods and Gyeongbokgung Palace of the Joseon Dynasty on the theoretical background of landscaping and the significance of landscaping. The direction for the development and exchange with landscaping between the two countries was presented in line with the development trend of Korea-China landscaping in the global environment. In the future, the development of landscaping between the two countries is expected to be key to international cooperation in traditional culture, creative combination of local characteristics, creation of a harmonious landscape architecture environment, and co-prosperity of various cultures.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.99-110
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• 2021

This study intends to examine the characteristics of the construction method of the urban water system in the historical cities of Korea, focusing on Gyeongju, Gyeongju, Goryeo, Hanyang, and Suwon Hwaseong, which were created as new towns in the late Joseon Dynasty. It examines the meaning of waterways in connection with the urban skeletal structure, focusing on the location of cities, roads, and arrangement of urban facilities, and analyzes the compositional form of the water system. We tried to derive the relationship with the structure. In particular, it can be seen that water and natural water systems act as key factors in determining the location of a city, and have a close relationship with the urban structure, urban development process, and urban structure. In addition to the symbolic meaning of water in harmony with the geographical concept, realistic demands in terms of water level and water retention are an important background. In order to respond to various demands related to water space, various planning and technical elements for managing water space were introduced in the process of city formation and development. The planning elements of the urban water system in the process of urban formation and development are summarized as follows through the analysis of the research site. First, in the process of building the urban water system in Gyeongju, Goryeo, Goryeo, Hanyang, and Hwaseong, Suwon, which were selected as the research destinations, the water system in consideration of drainage and disaster is common, but the water system construction method and usability are common. shows the difference. Second, water and natural water systems act as symbolic elements to secure the legitimacy of the city location, and as a key factor in determining the location of the city in harmony with the geographical concept and determining the left direction of the city. Third, the natural water system prior to the formation of a city works as a basis for determining the compositional form of the urban water system constructed in the process of urban formation and development in harmony with the topographical conditions. Fourth, the urban water system built on the basis of natural water systems is constructed by linking natural waterways and planned artificial waterways. Fifth, the urban water system is being built in a planned manner in consideration of the utility in connection with the urban structure, such as securing of urban land, arrangement of urban facilities and areas, composition of functional areas, and land division, in addition to the perspective of drainage system and flood control in consideration of disasters.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.207-241
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• 2017

In the scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe, the expression 'Dosu (度數)' is frequently used and Jeungsan, Jeongsan, and Wudang also left behind many teachings related to Dosu. In this paper, the concept of Dosu is analyzed in detail and the achievement of an in-depth understanding of the concept of Dosu is attempted. The term Dosu is often used in traditional literature. In the classics, Dosu was used to mean institutions, standards, rules, law, figures, and the laws of heavenly bodies. In other words, Dosu is used to mean the laws of astronomy and the norms of human society. This meaning is expanded and used as the principle of the universe and nature. This concept of Dosu is related to the mathematical cosmological understanding of numbers as the principle of the universe. This type of mathematical cosmology was systematized by Shao Yong (邵雍). In the Joseon Dynasty, Seo Gyungduk (徐敬德) accepted it positively, and it thereby became an influential trend in Korean thought. In the world view of Daesoon thought, there exists the view that numbers as a principle of the universe, and of course this world view is connected to mathematical cosmology. In Daesoon thought, the concept of Dosu is based on the concept of traditional Dosu and adds an additional meaning which connects it to the Reordering of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa). Also, Dosu is used to mean the process of changing the principles and laws of cosmos through Jeungsan's Reordering of the Universe. It is especially the case that discourse about Dosu is widely used when describing the Reordering of the Universe. Jeungsan corrected, reorganized, and adjusted Dosu, as well as establishing new Dosu. Jeongsan, who succeeded Jeungsan, followed the Reordering of the Universe by Jeungsan, and also realized Dosu. In other words, Jeongsan acted and practiced according to the Dosu that had been enacted by Jeungsan. Also, Dosu means the process of the transformation of principle according to the Reordering of the Universe, and Wudang used the concept of Dosu to describe the historical process of Daesoon Jinrihoe. This means that the foundation of Mugeukdo, the change to Taegukdo, the establishment of Daesoon Jinrihoe, and the contruction of Yeoju headquarters are episodes in a divine history carried out through Dosu. Through this discourse, Daesoon Jinrihoe asserts a legitimacy that distinguishes itself from other sects, and believers can be inspired by the sacred meaning that they are participating in the Dosu of heaven and earth. This empowers their devotion and sincerity.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.1-60
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• 2018

The paper was inspired by Jung's words in the Red Book "just as Christ tormented the flesh through the spirit, the God of this time will torment the spirit through the flesh." I propose that the new form of torment in this era could be eroticism as a way of the individuation process because it seems to be one of a very few ways left to modern men to grasp the sense of permanence, the essence of the divine, without religion because of its peculiar nature of transcendence. I suppose that it is not only a man who is tortured but also god is in torment since the divine needs a man as a womb for his incarnation. Therefore I suggest that man and god are fated to seduce each other to be redeemed by each other. I imagine that Eros with numinous sexuality seduces a man who has potentials for the god's incarnation and who would be willing to give in to the god's demand. This god needs a man who desires his essence of perpetuity, the eternal water of life, in ecstasy. Thus the purpose of the divine's seduction is to make a man awake from unconsciousness to pursue god himself, namely the individuation process. I call such divine seduction "eroticism of god" There seem to be a certain type of people who are destined to live eroticism as a way of individuation process. Through investigations, a melancholic tendency appears to be suitable for this type of individuation. Melancholia is deeply related to the poignant awareness of impermanence as the existential condition, which is a precondition for seeking permanence through eroticism. Melancholia essentially causes deep longing for eternity that bears fulfillment, which exists in eroticism, so melancholic agony seems inevitable for eroticism as the path for individuation in that, without knowing about deficiency, we never seek what is lacking in us. It can also be viewed that while a lover is driven to seduce lost love, what actually waits to become seduced for redemption is the god of love itself behind the human beloved. Man and god are fated to seduce each other for redemption. I suppose that the initiation to Eros implies how to seduce Eros. In a woman's psyche, psychological virginity is one of the essential qualities that her ego needs to attain. To the male it is vital to live his sensuality thoroughly and to experience his own and his lover's emotions to their limit. It cannot be an easy task because it demands us to give up our egotism entirely. Through eroticism, unconsciousness seduces us to make us live life as a whole. The god of love brings powerful sexuality as a means of "spiritual crisis" to redeem our lukewarm soul. Only a few can withstand the experience since it requires a strong will to bear the brunt of the sword despite the keen awareness that it may leave us bleeding in pain.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.