• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.223-244
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• 2022

The rapid change of the culture and art environment is led to new art & cultural education and differences in culture and art education facilities, away from the traditional closed space culture and art education. Phenomena such as plays out of the theater, exhibitions out of the art museum, and pictures taking a walk indicate that cultural and artistic educational facilities can no longer stay in the existing paradigm and are changing along with the changes in the cultural and creative world. Therefore, to develop a site-specific theater education program centered around a specific place rather than a theater or studio, in line with the changing times of cultural and artistic educational facilities, this researcher analyzes Brecht's radio play experiment and the recent performative performance experiment. Furthermore, using the regional and community values of arts and culture education confirmed as the motive for research on site-specific theater programs, I analyze the implementation and application process by experimenting with theater programs out of the theaters and studios. As a prior study, research on site-specific performances is being conducted relatively actively, but earlier studies were dealing only with the Ligna group performance cases are lacking. However, I would like to use the previous research on site-specific performance cases as an epistemological background. As a result of the study, for the place-specific theater program through a total of 10 learners, a text based on a specific place was created that did not depend on traditional literary texts. Through this, the possibility of a site-specific theater education program could be confirmed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.38-51
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• 2024

Although the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) is a crop with a cultivation history of about 10,000 years in the Old and New Worlds, archaeological considerations on the cultivation and use of bottle gourds on the Korean Peninsula are extremely rare. Accordingly, we reviewed previous reports on bottle gourds and examined the morphological characteristics of seeds and rind fragments from the Korean Peninsula. The investigation yielded several conclusions. First, bottle gourd cultivation likely began during the Bronze Age alongside the introduction of so-called southern crops. Evidence suggests that bottle gourd remains were more prevalent during the Three-Kingdoms period, indicating its significance as a crop during the historical era. Second, bottle gourd seeds from the Three-Kingdoms period exhibit characteristics of both African and Asian subspecies, showcasing a high level of morphological diversity. Third, rind thickness indicates that bottle gourds found at the Bongseon-ri site were of varieties with large fruits. Taken together, it is concluded that the bottle gourd was introduced to the Korean Peninsula during the Bronze Age, and people cultivated a range of bottle gourd varieties during the Three-Kingdoms period.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.41-66
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• 2002

This paper examines urgent issues of establishing the presidential library in relation to the current standing of the Government Archives and Records Service. As government records have been tremendously accumulated every year, the Government Archives and Records Service will be full within three years, which indicates that the constructing of new storage repositories is an emergent issue. In addition, presidential records are one of the most significant and influential public properties for preserving historical value and interpretation at the national level. Some serious concerns relating to the presidential library are raised for consideration. First of all, it is compulsory to preserve presidential records and to construct the presidential library. Second, the presidential library performs a variety of functions including the acquisition, preservation, access, reference, research, education, and display of presidential records as well as exhibits of public activities and administration personally and in public during the president' regime. A new presidential library should function as both of a depository and museum of presidential records through systematic arrangement and display. Thus a new repository of the Government Archives and Records Service should be co-constructed with the presidential library within the same boundary. Third, a newly constructed presidential library should be at least double- or triple- sized more than estimated in order to contain all related holdings. Fourth, to take custody of public records across the legislature, judiciary and administration, the Government Archives and Records Service should be directed by an official at the level of vice-minister and upgraded to an independent office such as "National Archives and Records Administration." Fifth, the presidential library's location and surrounding environments should be selected with careful planning.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.65-78
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• 2021

Jagyeokru, an automatic striking water clock described in the Sejong Sillok (Veritable Records of King Sejong) is essentially composed of a water quantity control device and a time-signal device, with the former controlling the amount or the flow rate of water and the latter automatically informing the time based on the former. What connects these two parts is a signal generating device or a power transmission device called the 'Jujeon' system, which includes a copper rod on the float and ball-racked scheduled plates. The copper products excavated under Gongpyeong-dong in Seoul include a lot of broken plate pieces and cylinder-like devices. If some plate pieces are put together, a large square plate with circular holes located in a zigzag can be completed, and at the upper right of it is carved 'the first scheduled plate (一箭).' Cylinder-like devices generally 3.8 cm in diameter are able to release a ball, and have a ginkgo leaf-like screen fixed on the inner axis and a bird-shaped hook of which the leg fixes another axis and the beak attaches to the leaf side. The lateral view of this cylinder-like device appears like a trapezoid and mounts an iron ball. The function of releasing a ball agrees with the description of Borugak Pavilion, where Jagyeokru was installed, written by Kim Don (1385 ~ 1440). The other accounts of Borugak Pavilion's and Heumgyeonggak Pavilion's water clocks describe these copper plates and ball releasing devices as the 'Jujeon' system. According to the description of Borugak Pavilion, a square wooden column has copper plates on the left and right sides the same height as the column, and the left copper plate has 12 drilled holes to keep the time of a 12 double-hours. Meanwhile, the right plate has 25 holes which represent seasonal night 5-hours (Kyeong) and their 5-subhours (Jeom), not 12 hours. There are 11 scheduled plates for seasonal night 5-hours made with copper, which are made to be attached or detached as the season. In accordance with Nujutongui (manual for the operation of the yardstick for the clepsydra), the first scheduled plate for the night is used from the winter solstice (冬至) to 2 days after Daehan (大寒), and from 4 days before Soseol (小雪) to a day before the winter solstice. Besides the first scheduled plate, we confirm discovering a third scheduled plate and a sixth scheduled plate among the excavated copper materials based on the spacing between holes. On the other hand, the width of the scheduled plate is different for these artifacts, measured as 144 mm compared to the description of the Borugak Pavilion, which is recorded as 51 mm. From this perspective, they may be the scheduled plates for the Heumgyeonggak Ongru made in 1438 (or 1554) or for the new Fortress Pavilion installed in Changdeokgung palace completed in 1536 (the 31^st year of the reign of King Jungjong) in the early Joseon dynasty. This study presents the concept of the scheduled plates described in the literature, including their new operating mechanism. In addition, a detailed model of 11 scheduled plates is designed from the records and on the excavated relics. It is expected that this study will aid in efforts to restore and reconstruct the automatic water clocks of the early Joseon dynasty.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.51-82
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• 2015

Maeul-making, which is to restore inherent characteristics of maeul as a living community has been proceeded by local communities themselves since the 1990s when political democracy and local government in Korean society has been progressed in full-scale. Although New Maeul Movement has been done in the 1970s before and after, it is different from maeul-making because it was focused mainly on improving physical environments of rural communities and initiated by government. The development of maeul community archives in Korea has been related closely to such a maeul-making since the 1990s. Maeul-based community archives, maeul community archives had been begun to build as part of maeul-making and grass-root movement by the 2000s. Initiated by self-motivated communities, maeul community archives were carried out through cooperations between civic activists and residents in maeul communities and voluntary professional archivists from outside. Although records about the maeul community has been collected by mainstream cultural institutions such as public archives, museum, local historical association, and local cultural center, it was at this time to collect records of the maeul community by self-motivated local residents. This tendency of 'independent' maeul community archives, however, is currently entering upon a new phase with the city of Seoul's project (2012) to support making a maeul community, that is, the governance phase based on private-government partnership. At this point of time, it is important for maeul community archives to be built on privately-led governance model that guarantees their autonomy and at the same time bring government's knowhow and supports into them, as opposed to the way captured or driven unilaterally by government. This article explores the growth of maeul community archives and collections in Korean society through a range of self-motivated bodies; the interaction with government; and as a result of those interactions, the creation of maeul community archives based on governance. To introduce and explicate the motivations behind maeul archiving endeavors, this article will first sketch something of the historical, social, and political context in which 'maeul' communities have arisen, collapsed, and restored. It will then examine in more detail some specific examples of maeul community archives as grass-root movement of maeul community. The third section will attempt to identify the governance model of maeul community archives under the auspices of the city of Seoul and its limitations. Finally through these activities, it will suggest the ways in which maeul community archives commit themselves to their duty of grass-root movement of community and at the same time, secure sustainability, that is, concrete ways of privately initiated governance model.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.109-145
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• 2020

Jeungsan, Kang Il-Sun (hereafter, Jeungsan)'s perspective on divine beings can be characterized by the philosophical notion of divinity, which recognizes a variety of divine entities. Jeungsan insisted that all things embrace divine entities. Furthermore, he claimed that the backgrounds of all incidents were influenced by these gods. Jeungsan thought that the universe consists of the heavenly realm, the earthly realm and the underground realm. He insisted that there were many gods in each realm. And Jeungsan defined his times as the era of divine beings, which meant that the age was a time for divine beings to actively interact with one another and take the lead in world affairs. Divine beings were briskly involved in human affairs and could either reciprocate gratitude or attain revenge. They were also divine beings that could change the acts and perception of humans as well as judge human acts. However, Jeungsan predicted that by the time the paradisiacal land of immortals was established in the Later World, divine beings would instead run errands for humans. In addition, he forecast that divine beings would be entities likely to harbor grievances just like humans, yet they would ultimately become perfected beings in the Later World. Jeungsan further suggested a multitude of various concepts such as the mutual relationship wherein the realm of divine beings and the realm of humanity interrelate with each other, the mutual responses and functions between them, mutual itineration, co-existence, and the homogeneity of divine beings and humans, which described how both have the same innate characteristics. Jeungsan proposed the concept that 'Divinity is an existential state experienced after one's death." In this regard, he is the one who formulated a new perspective of divinity. Moreover, Jeunsan stressed the immortality of humans (continuity or eternality) and the co-existence of divine beings and humans. He emphasized that divinity is intrinsically immanent and the realm of divine beings has a hierarchical system that maintains order and is akin to that of the human realm. Jeungsan recognized a revolutionary change and perspective based on humanity by suggesting a unique view of humanity. In other words, he was a religious figure who introduced an ingenious view of divinity and dramatically transformed this pattern of reasoning. In conclusion, Jeungsan re-interpreted traditional views of divinity in Korea and systemized them into a new concept of divinity in an ingenious way.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.132-150
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• 2022

Designated as a national intangible cultural asset, the fish weir is a traditional fishing method and was a leading fishing tool in Korean coastal fishery. As the littoral sea area fishing vessel fishery developed since the 1970s, traditional fishing methods including fish weirs began to decline. The fish weir has been passed down in the form of tools such as fish weirs, stone weirs, and bamboo weirs. In Namhae-gun and Sacheon City in Gyeongsangnam-do, anchovies are caught using bamboo weirs. A basic bamboo weir consists of a fish trap(balgong), a space where fish gather together, and a V- or U-shaped wooden fence(halgaji) that helps fish come inside the fish trap. Its fishing method is to catch fish that have come to the coast during high tide alongside those are stuck inside fish traps(balgong) with nets or scoop nets. This paper examined the process of passing down traditional fishing methods through a comparative analysis of the bamboo weir structures and fishing methods in the Namhae and Sacheon regions. First, the historical process of assembling the current bamboo weir structure was analyzed. The bamboo weir, a fishing tool, appears to have combined the features of past weirs and fish weirs based on the Jijok Strait and Samcheonpo Strait. Next, this paper examined the structure and fishing method of the two types of bamboo weirs made with a circular or square fish trap(balgong) where fish gather. Through this analysis, this study examined the lives of fishermen who have adapted to their natural environment and actively utilized obtainable resources(materials), and then changed the traditional fishing method of bamboo weirs and developed them into an appropriate technology. Lastly, a new value attributed to anchovies caught using bamboo weirs was analyzed. This new value extracted from better bamboo weir anchovies works as a mechanism to uphold the tradition of anchovy-catching bamboo-weir fishing, which produces a smaller amount of anchovies compared to other methods of anchovy fishing. In this way, bamboo weir fishing has been passed down as a result of its differentiated aspect of producing better anchovies than those produced with other fishing methods, as well as the historical aspect of it being a traditional fishing method.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.30
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• pp.235-270
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• 2018

The term, Degree Number, was religiously re-interpreted by Jeungsan (甑山) Kang Il-Sun (姜一淳, 1871~1909) and used by him to imply 'the principle of ruling the world.' It was especially the case that his usage of Degree Number referred to the new law that will rule during the Later World, and the significance of this was promoted during Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. And Jeongsan (鼎山) Jo Cheol-Je (趙哲濟, 1895~1958), who received a revelation from Jeungsan, established new religious movements including Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do and gave a broader meaning to the term Degree Number which he adopted from Jeungsan. He endowed it with the additional meaning of 'all the religious activities performed to achieve an ideal world.' In the history of Korean religions, Degree Number was newly interpreted by the religiously-gifted Jeungsan, who appeared at the end of the Joseon Dynasty. The lineage of religious thought related to Degree Numbers was constantly transmitted through Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do both of which were founded by Jeongsan Jo Cheol-Je. Later, Park Han-Gyeong (朴漢慶, 1917~1996) succeeded this lineage when he established Daesoon Jinrihoe in 1969. Religious thought related to Degree Numbers came from Jeungsan's self-realization that he was 'Sangje (the Supreme God).' The thought was also formed by his religious declaration wherein he changed the Degree Number of mutual contention in the Former World to that of mutual beneficence in the Later World. What Jeungsan emphasized was the fluidity of Degree Numbers. Just like human beings are never able to escape from the bonds of their destiny, in Jeungsan's thought, forced or ordained cosmic orders do not exist. In the outworn world of the past, which has been defined as the Former World, the Degree Number was recognized as the ordained law and norm, but as the Later World was coming, Jeungsan recalibrated the Degree Number and defined it anew through his own authority and power as the Supreme God. Jeongsan recalibrated many Degree Numbers throughout his life. The number of Degree Numbers which Jeungsan recalibrated is relatively fewer than that of Jeongsan, who inherited the thought of Jeungsan, and then went on to categorize almost every major religious activity he performed a Degree Number. In this context, Jeungsan's 'Degree Number' became expanded and broadened in terms of its scope.