• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2015.05a
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• pp.230-230
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• 2015

When and why do states cooperate in international basins? In recent years, there have been increasing attempts to apply international relations theories such as realism and neo-liberal institutionalism in understanding prospect of cooperation among sovereign states over shared rivers. Realists of hydropolitics argue that fate of cooperation resides in hands of hegemons and distribution of aggregate power among riparian states. Such pessimistic contention has been challenged by neo-liberal institutionalists, especially through regime theory. However, regime theory barely explains why and how cooperation emerges in the first place prior to regime formation. Therefore, the research suggests the game theory from neo-liberal institutionalism as an alternative theoretic approach. The accountability of Oye (1986)'s theoretical framework is illustrated through the case of cooperation in the Rhine River Basin.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.24 no.2 s.80
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• pp.1-13
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• 2006

The Purpose or this research is to examine the trend or sender gap within a globalization context from 1993 to 2003 on the perspective of feminists who contend that globalization has negative effects on women on account of its masculine nature against neo-liberal viewpoint emphasizing economic efficiency and rationality. As the result of review of statistical and qualitative resources in workforce, it was found that the gender gap has trended toward increasing in some sectors such as flexible labor and high wage jobs, which shows that gender segregation by irrational culture exists in workforce. The evidence to support the neo-liberal viewpoint supposing that the gender discrimination will disappear was also found in sector of wage. The gender gap in wage has decreased during the period of globalization. The dispute of feminists was partly supported, so it was suggested that the policies for gender empowerment should be enforced to diminish gender gap that would be able to increase in the process of globalization.

• Architectural research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 1999

During the first twenty-six years of its existence from 1954 to 1980, Keimyung University established on its Daemyung Campus a unique community of Western period-style buildings which recalls an old liberal arts college in America. During the first fifteen years, Keimyung built basically in the neo-Georgian style in accordance with the visions of the first two presidents, both of American nationality. During the next eleven years when Keimyung considerably expanded its facilities, it built in the neo-Classical style. The architecture of the Daemyung Campus is not without dynamism as it shows some efforts to integrate the expressions of the historical and the modern, culminating in the Main Library. The Daemyung Campus thus presents an interesting case study of how Western period-style architecture was assimilated in a provincial Korean city with a sense of an on-going building tradition.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.31-49
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• 2003

Neo-liberalism, the most influential ideology in the current world, argues for the commercialization of social security programs and for the dissolution of the interventionist welfare state. From the neo-liberal viewpoint, social services become more efficient and more advantageous for recipients, when provided by the market, not by the state. It is also argued that the welfare of all social members is best secured when the market freely operates without any interference from the state. From the neo-liberal point of view, an argument was raised to commercialize the state-administered Workers' Compensation program of Korea in the mid-1990s. This argument was faced with strong resistances from labor unions and social welfare circles, and has disappeared since the economic breakdown and the restructuring of Korean society during the late 1990s. Butr, such an argument can emerge anytime as the nee-liberal ideology become more powerful. This article aims to examine the neo-liberal argument that the privatization of social security programs, through an increases in efficiency, improves the interests of the recipients as well as the whole society. For this, this article attempts to analyze the Workers' Compensation programs of the USA, which, from state to state, are administered by the state government or by private insurance companies. This study can serve as an effective critique for the neo-liberal argument, if it finds that state-administered Workers' Compensation programs are more efficient than those managed by insurance companies. This article's another aim is to assess the controversies over the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program of Korea during the mid to late 1990s. The controversies were more about which viewpoint is right and, in most cases, lacked empirical evidence. This study shall empirically criticize the argument for the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.165-184
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• 2005

Japan has remained a welfare laggard among advanced industrial democracies. Therefore, the introduction of the public long-term care insurance(koteki kaigo hoken in Japanese) in April of 2000 looks very unique in terms of the Japanese social security tradition, because it can be interpreted as the expansion of social security system and the weakening of the market power over the livelihood of the ordinary people. In the era of globalization, in which even the highly developed welfare states are forced to shrink their social security systems, Japan, a welfare laggard, looks like being headed to the opposite direction. This article aims to define the character of the public long-term care insurance, and thereby, to evaluate the recent social policy of the Japanese government. This study follows the social democratic model in the study of the welfare state development, which assumes that, under the condition of a weak social democratic party and a fragmented labor movement, the introduction of the long-term care insurance is not equal to the improvement of the Japanese social security system. The main argument of this article is that the long-term care insurance, notwithstanding its appearance as an expansion of public sphere, is part of market-oriented neo-liberal social reforms, which have remained the main feature of the Japanese social policies since the mid-1970's. For this, this study will do a longitudinal analysis on the social consequences of the long-term care insurance incurred to the Japanese social security system for the long-term care, focusing on the income redistribution, the marketization of long-term care sector and the changes in the financial burden of the government, social insurers and general citizens.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.159-191
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• 2021

"In the United States, you almost never say that virtue is beautiful," Alexis de Tocqueville reports in Democracy in America. Yet Ralph Waldo Emerson, arguably the most prominent American moralist in the nineteenth century, stands as an exception to Tocqueville's generalization. This article explores Emerson's perspective on beauty in the moral education of democratic citizens. His interest in this aesthetic category partly stemmed from his deep concern about both the moral inaction and interest politics in commercial culture. As a response to the crisis, Emerson conceived ethical beauty as a key promoter of public-minded democratic citizenship as exemplified by the American abolitionists, and his own practice as a poetic moralist further illustrates this belief. Emerson's aesthetic approach to the cultivation of public virtue in liberal democracy offers a meaningful comparison to contemporary neo-Tocquevillian emphasis on the language of interest or duty.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.39
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• pp.74-102
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• 1999

The integrated global economic system have intensed Liberalization, dereguration, privatization. National states were subordinated in global economic system. To save social costs and to encourage the national competition power, the globalized market tends to reduce the domestic social expention. Truely anxious things are not the defectiveness of capitalism itself but neo-liberal measures of each national states. So neo-liberal globalization beat welfare states. Welfare and growth, accumulation and justice are inter-conflict elements, and these confliction is well explained in context of globalization. Stratigies of growth pursuing economic benefits subordinate social policy in economic policy. Globalization did not always reduce the power of national state, but each national states purposely reduce the power of state and state participations. Thus Globalization can be overcome and must be overcome, eventually, the history of social welfare in korea differ frome that of European states. Their's social welfare retrenchment have based on the excessly expeneded welfare provision, but the frame of social welfare in korea is not yet established in history. Fundamentally historic experiences between European and korean social welfare are different. So "the third way" in korea must be in carefull approaches and the social welfare policy in korea must purchase "anti-market policy" and the equal distribution.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.50
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• pp.87-108
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• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.162-189
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• 2002

In general, every welfare state is to be productive. If not, the welfare state itself cannot be sustainable because resource for the development of welfare only comes from a sound level of economic development However, how to mix welfare and production differs from country to country. This article tackles this phenomenon as a starting point. Granted, contemporary studies of comparative welfare state often starts from the theory of welfare regime which has been suggested by Esping-Andersen. This article also regards the framework as an analytic tool to elaborate upon the concept of productive welfare and to categorize different types of conception of productive welfare. In liberal regime, the concept is so narrowly interpreted that they emphasize micro-efficiency of specific welfare programs. On the contrary, the other two regime types recognize the concept of productive welfare as relatively wide. Therefore, conservative and social democratic regimes underscore macro-efficiency of the welfare state as a whole. Empirical analyses of this article explores each regime's success and failure in terms of achieving fundamental goals of the welfare state, i.e. economic development and enhancement of equality. A series of evidence show that liberal regime fails in achieving both goals, while the other two regimes seem to be relatively successful. In conclusion, it may be pointed out that current tendency of neo-liberalism and anti-welfarism in Korea should be overcome, which must be the prime task of social welfare academia of this country.