• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.7
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• pp.107-118
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• 2018

Taegeuk is Korea's flagship pattern, which has been handed down over centuries. During the Joseon era, it had an influence on all places such as the left side of the building and arrangement. In addition, Taegeuk was a bowl which contains the philosophy of right now. In Neo-Confucianism, it was understood that yin and yang were divided into five elements and created the universe. In buildings, Taegeuk was mostly used as decoration on the stylobate and doors. Taegeuk contains the fundamental thoughts about the creation of the universe. In architecture, it plays the role of a bridge between spaces. In ancient times, it was used as byeoksa. Entering the Joseon era, it played a role as a border. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was important in protecting the country. A Taegeuk pattern varies in diverse shapes to represent its dynamic aspects. After passing through many different stages, it developed into the pattern of today.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.111-124
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• 2019

This article aims to explore how Confucian knowledge and concepts were adapted, consolidated, and negotiated in the translation of Islam in China. Translation has always played a key role in producing and disseminating knowledge across cultures and languages, but little has been discussed to identify "the intimate connection between translation and the mediation of knowledge" (Baker 2018). Drawing on the studies of Chinese Confucian scholars on Islam, such as Wang Daiyu, Liu Zhi, and Ma Dexin, this article argues that Islam in China features many aspects of Neo-Confucianism that highly appreciate secular morality resulting in Confucian Islam, and that this was rationalized based on the similarities between Confucianism and Islam, placing Islam on a par with Confucianism for indigenization.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.29-38
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• 2014

Objectives : In ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), the meanings of monarch-fire(君火) and ministerial-fire(相火) described in papers published nowadays are not the same. Therefore, it is necessary to rebuild a clear concept. Methods : To understand the relationships among 'heaven(天)'-'human(人)' and 'name(名)'-'position(位)', the core concept of the ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), I examined the relationships between 'heaven(天)' and 'human(人)' in Neo-Confucianism(性理學) of Song(宋) Dynasty and reviewed the notes of Wang Bing(王冰) which were quoted by Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪) to set the concept of monarch-fire(君火) and ministerial-fire(相火). I studied relevant texts. Results : In ministerial-fire theory(相火論) of Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪), monarch-fire(君火) is perceived as being from greed(人欲) that can cause hyperactivity(妄動) of ministerial-fire(相火), whereas ministerial-fire(相火) is perceived as being able to control monarch-fire(君火) by following the orders from heaven. This point of view is different from the past which recognized monarch-fire (君火) as the owner and ministerial-fire(相火) as the servant. Conclusions : Zhu Dan-Xi(朱丹溪) received the ideological impact of Neo-Confucianism, and accepted the notes of Wang Bing, recognized monarch-fire(君火) as 'name(名)' and ministerial-fire(相火) as 'position(位)', so he voiced the ministerial-fire theory(相火論) that perceived monarch-fire(君火) as fire(火) of the five processes(五行) of human body that came from greed, ministerial-fire(相火) as being in a position to hear the order from the 'heaven(天)' to control monarch-fire(君火). But the concept of ministerial-fire(相火) which he set connoted a confusing meaning of 'nature(性)' and 'way(道)' of Neo-Confucianism. In the later process to solve the problem, life-gate theory(命門學說) was raised, and many researchers had tried to remove the meaning of hyperactivity from the ministerial-fire(相火).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.385-406
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• 2010

Lee Byeong-hun was introduced to Hanjuhak when he was taught by Myeonwoo Gwak Jong-seok. It is assumed that Hanjuhak circles had a certain influence on formation of his ideas in that they had liberal tendency at that time. Lee Byeong-hun accepted Geummungyonghak developed by Gang Yu-wee of China and participated in Confucian Science Movement while excluding Confucianism. After he accepted western civilization and the ideas of Gang Yu-wee, no traces of Hanjuhak was found in his writing, but it is assumed that Hanjuhak might work as a nutritious element for his ideas. He thought that religious nature of Confucianism could be revived only when he left Neo-confucianism which changed Confucianism into a philosophy by insisting reason instead of God. So, he respected Confucius as a religious founder and left such concepts as reason and respect which were considered important in Neo-confucianism and valued disposition and faith in "Jungyong", a doctrine of the Mean. He considered Confucianism as religious and joined in religious practices such as praying and reciting scriptures. He insisted that filial piety indicates a filial son of the Heaven when interpreting the following passage: Shun (Chinese leader) is a filial duty, which is assumed that he was influenced by Christianity. He respected Confucius as the only religious founder and God as the God to make Confucianism a religion. It is believed that he considered only Confucius as a founder instead of traditional Confucian sages as religion such as Buddhism and Christianity has one founder. God he thought is related with the God in Christianity and furthermore accepted reincarnation of Buddhism which is contrary to Confucian ideas. According to "Gyeongseol" by Lee Byeong-hun, it was believed that he was engaged in religion based on a faith that Confucianism is a religion rather than he pursued Confucianism as a religion to find out a way of its survival.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.44-55
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• 2012

This study is to interpret how landscape aesthetic characteristics of moderation, which is the point of human-oriented neo-confucianism vision, are projected to the landscape organization of a Dodong-SeoWon, known for its overflow to neo-confucianism grounds and standards among domestic SeoWon. The aspects of neo-confucianism discussion in the shape of Dodong-SeoWon with the beauty of from and contents dominating the landscape of Dodong-SeoWon different from constructive completeness as 7 external and internal landscape organization including placement, circulation, setting, vista, fencing, naming, and decoration are as follows. The left direction of Dodong-SeoWon, part of external organization, is the result of landscape organization that emphasized the stage of moderation through the unification of man and nature by naturalizing natural direction to human-oriented directions. Important aspects to rule external orders and standards of Dodong-SeoWon are principles of one classes based on ranks and bilateral symmetry that is the unity of setting and circulation landscape organization from penetrating the spirit of moderation with no bias. By securing territoriality by fencing the unity of verticality and horizontality, the landscape organization to reach moderation is expressed. Meanwhile, Suwoloo(水月樓) perceived on the floor of central assembly hall, the formation of time frame from roof piles of Hwanjumun(喚主門) as well as pilars of Jungjeongdang(中正堂), and rime link method inducing visual balance and openness through segment, combination, and others are vista organization that show the ideality of unique neo-confucianism building. Also as part of landscape organization contents. semantically, building name including arrangement from Taegukdoseol, ideological naming following the name of Ssanggye-SeoWon, which is the former body, the name of the hall symbolizing the transfer of neo-confucianism enlightenment, impartiality with no bias, as well as Geoinjae(居仁齋) and Geoijae(居義齋) based on olympic, are also results of applying neo-confucianism standards. Additionally. the SeoHoe(瑞花) expressing the change of IleumIlyang(一陰一陽) on the stylobate of Jungjeongdang, Saeho(細虎) which goes up and down, as well as Simul made of four dragons, are artistic expression of the moderation that symbolizes the harmony of ying and yang with no exceeding or insufficiency. Humorous and unique rocks and stones evenly arranged in all spots of Dodong-SeoWon are to promote anti-strict organization by offsetting the image and external order of the lecture hall as strict as it is, and this is very ironic as it is the other landscape organization in different dimension as well as the expression of moderation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.241-260
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore Buddhist interpretation of Jeong Mong-joo, a Confucian scholar of the late Goryeo Dynasty. Buddhism in the latter part of the Goryeo Dynasty was no longer able to exercise the social purity of the national spirit and culture. In this situation, Neo-Confucian was gradually accepted. Thus, a change of ideology was made from Buddhism to Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo's academic world was based on the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo was especially well versed on the Book of Changes in the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo emphasized the Book of Changes as the basis of the Buddhist interpretation. Jeong Mong-joo met the doctrines through various Buddhist scriptures. He was interested in Buddhism. There were not a few meetings and social gatherings with Buddhist monks. For this reason, Jeong Mong-joo cannot ignore his connection with Buddhism. On the other hand, Jeong Mong-joo is characterized by his understanding of Buddhism and his critical consciousness as Confucianist.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.36-47
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• 2017

In this research, sematic comparative study on formative idea and landscape elements composition was made between Soswaewon which was a remote villa garden in Joseon Dynasty and Canglang Pavilion which was built at a time when Neo-confucianism had been created in Song dynasty. From which the summary was resulted as below: Firstly, Soswaewon was fully devoted to Neo-confucianism among Korean remote villa gardens, Canglang-Pavilion was deeply affiliated with Neo-confucianism the deep-rooted thought. Adding a comment, as a richly historied Chinese private garden it was the best preserved even now and the farmost point from now and approximately 500 years advanced than Soswaewon, moreover Sosunheum the builder belonged to gentry society in Song dynasty. Secondly, Both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion were remarkable thank to nature friendly concept which was deeply rooted in the eremitic thought(隱逸思想). Most of all, it might be interpreted the location of Soswaewon lay down in a mountain, as to be swallow hidden(小隱) but that of Canglang-Pavilion lay down in a city, as to be middle hidden(中隱). Thirdly, approaching with comparative study to gardens' factors implicated in symbolization when naming both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion, neo-confucianism in Song dynasty in which diverse thoughts ranging Confucianism and Buddhism and Taoism had formed ensemble and developed was deeply built in Soswaewon, as to be in consistency to nature and to be a basis for comprehending diverse symbolization factors found in Canglang-Pavilion. Fourthly, given that forms or factors of gardens was tangibly came up with thoughts' variation we surely underwent to comparative study. Through which we could know Soswaewon was made by maximizing use of nature but minimizing addition of artificial things. In other words, it was trial of expressing semantic feature of the site in a way blending natural circumstance and liberal one. One of the representatives, Daebongdae in Soswaewon was a site where the owner's idea came up with. Scenary was recreated and nature was represented in interspace of Canglang-Pavilion with the high wall around the border, for which it renounced the world. To the end, it was understood there was the location characteristic of Canglang-Pavilion which let us look down from mountain and take some time for introspection. It might be said that the cultural root was in common between Korea and China, however it was found there were lots of differences in forms and features of gardens. We were able to interpret that social and cultural background were led to gardens' formation in which individual characteristic of two nations were blended, from which difference was resulted.

• 중국학논총
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• no.53
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• pp.37-58
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• 2017

鑒於性理學傳入韓國的時期, 有學者主張是北宋時期, 也有部分學者對此持否定意見, 指出是南宋時期經由高麗末期的安珦傳入韓國.筆者認爲與其說是某一時期由特定人物將性理學'導入'韓國, 不如說是時代潮流下諸多人士關心與努力的結果, 這一自然而然的'流入'說更爲妥當.本文以此爲前提, 指出止浦金坵正是奠定性理學'流入'礎石的代表性人物, 並對此加以論證. 本文首先考察了止浦金坵初赴大都時中國的儒學即性理學的具體展開情況, 其次對元朝儒臣王鶚這一人物進行了了解, 不管是采取何種方式, 總之王鶚與止浦之間有著交流, 論文對其在學問上直接或間接影響止浦的可能性進行了判斷. 通過以上的考察與辨析.