• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.108-152
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• 2017

This paper aims to analyze hegemonic competition and the role of naval power. To this end the paper is composed of four chapters titled introduction, the role of naval power in the hegemonic competition, the role of naval power in the East Asia, and the lessons and implications for the Korean Peninsula. Since the modern era, the hegemonic competition in the East Asian region has been the intrusion and struggle process between the world system and the East Asian regional system, and the ocean between these two systems has become the goal and means of supremacy(hegemony). Currently, the hegemonic competition between the US and China consists of systemic competition at the global level and marine competition at the regional level. When South Korea is forced to make strategic choices in the course of the US-China hegemonic competition, naval power will be the first factor to be considered. The ROK is asymmetrically maintaining a deep dependency relationship with the United States in terms of security and China in relation to the economy. And while the ROK's national economic power is acquired from the ocean, the ROK's military power is imbalanced because it is centered on the ground forces. These international relations and asymmetric-unbalanced resources distribution will not be able to effectively cope with the hegemonic competition between the US and China in the future, and will limit Korea's strategic choice. Since naval power and forces are the prerequisites for the hegemonic competition or the maintenance of supremacy we must construct balanced naval forces(naval power) that are not subordinate to the ground forces at the national strategic level for the future of the country.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.65-103
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• 2015

This study is an attempt to look into the future role of the ROKN and to provide a strategic way forward with a special focus on naval strategic concept and force planning. To accomplish this goal, this research takes four sequential steps for analysis: 1) assessing the role and utility of naval power of ROKN since its foundation back in 1945; 2) forecasting features of various maritime threats to influence the security of Korea in the future directly or indirectly; 3) identifying the roles to be undertaken by future ROKN; and 4) recommending Korean way of naval force planning and the operational concept of naval power. This study seeks to show that ROKN needs comprehensive role to better serve the nation with respect to national security, national prosperity and development, and future battle-space management. To safeguard the national security of Korea, it suggests three roles: 1) national guard for the peaceful unification; 2) protector of the maritime sovereignty; and 3) suppressor to maritime threats. Three more roles are highlighted for national prosperity: 1) escort of the national economy; 2) guardian for national maritime activities; and 3) contributor to the world peace. These roles need to be closely connected with the role for the battle-space management. This paper addresses the need for a dramatic shift of the central operational domain from land to maritime in the future. This will eventually offer future ROKN a leading role for developing strategic concept and force planning rather than merely a supporting one. This study finally suggests 'balanced' strategy both in concept development and force planning. A balanced force planning is a 'must' rather than an 'option' when considering a division of function between Task Fleets and Area Fleets, constructing cutting-edge conventional forces such as Aegis destroyer, CVs, or submarines, and the mix of high-profile platform and low-profile when composing future fleets. A 'balance' is also needed in operational concept. The fleet should be prepared to fulfill its missions based on two different types of force operation i.e., coercive or cooperative application of the utility of naval force. The findings and recommendations of the study are relevant today, and will be increasingly important in the future to achieve various political goals required by enhancing the utility of naval power.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.159-204
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• 2020

This study is written to bring the proposal forward for the direction of south korean naval force. The political situation and the circumstance of the world, especially in the area of Pacific Ocean, are changing very rapidly. North Korea has been always the conventional existing intimidator for South Korea since the 6·25-War. Additionally, the strengthening movements of the national defense, which is easily noticed from China and Russia, is also an other part of intimidating countries against South Korea. Those three mentioned countries are continually developing the asymmetrical warfare systems, for example a strategic nuclear weapon. Since the Obama Administration, the Asia-Pacific Rebalancing-Strategy has been changed as an East Asian foreign policy. Nowadays, Trump Administration renamed the 'United States Pacific-Command' to 'United States Indo-Pacific Command'. The purpose of this is not only letting India to participate in american alliance, but also reducing an economic burden, which is often mentioned in USA. West Germany was located in the very similar geopolitical position during the Cold War just like South Korea these days. And that's why the strategy of West German Navy is worthy of notice for south korean naval force to decide its suitable strategy. Most of all, the two most important things to refer to this study are the plan to expand naval air force and the realistic political stand for us to take it. In conclusion, I laid an emphasis on maintenance of 'green-water-navy'. instead of selecting the strategy as a 'blue-water-navy'. The reason I would like to say, is that south korean navy is not available to hold the unnecessary war potential, just like Aircraft-Carrier. However, this is not meaning to let the expansion of naval force carelessly. We must search the best solution in order to maintain the firm peace within the situation. To fulfill this concept, it is mostly very important to maintain the stream of laying down a keel of destroyers, submarines and air-defense-missile, as well as the hight-tech software system, taking a survey of 4th industrial revolution. Research and development for the best solution of future aircraft by south korean navy is likewise necessary. Besides, we must also set the international diplomatic flexibly. As well as maintaining the relationship with US Forces, it is also very important to improve the relationship with other potential allied nation.

• International Journal of Naval Architecture and Ocean Engineering
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.602-614
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• 2016

It is necessary to develop an efficient optimization technique to perform optimum designs which have given design spaces, discrete design values and several design goals. As optimization techniques, direct search method and stochastic search method are widely used in designing of ship structures. The merit of the direct search method is to search the optimum points rapidly by considering the search direction, step size and convergence limit. And the merit of the stochastic search method is to obtain the global optimum points well by spreading points randomly entire the design spaces. In this paper, Pareto Strategy (PS) multi-objective function method is developed by considering the search direction based on Pareto optimal points, the step size, the convergence limit and the random number generation. The success points between just before and current Pareto optimal points are considered. PS method can also apply to the single objective function problems, and can consider the discrete design variables such as plate thickness, longitudinal space, web height and web space. The optimum design results are compared with existing Random Search (RS) multi-objective function method and Evolutionary Strategy (ES) multi-objective function method by performing the optimum designs of double bottom structure and double hull tanker which have discrete design values. Its superiority and effectiveness are shown by comparing the optimum results with those of RS method and ES method.

• Strategy21
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• s.38
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• pp.221-249
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• 2015

The Royal United Services Institute(RUSI) was founded in the middle of the 19th century in Britain. It was developed through 'Naval Historical Revitalization Movement' in that time. Many celebrities and people who were interested in the Navy participated in the activities of the RUSI. For example, the forums and lectures were held by prestigious persons, like Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Duke of Cambridge. It also became the milestone for guiding the flow of the Royal Navy's thought with the Naval Intelligence Department and the Naval Records Society. The forum of the RUSI was the place for debating naval hot issues. The journal of the RUSI was the space for suggesting an idea and gathering public opinions for developing Britain's sea power. Therefore, the RUSI was the public sphere for the Royal Navy in the 19-20th Century. And especially, the paper prize contest of the RUSI was the culmination of the RUSI's activities for the Royal Navy. Naval prize essays gave messages to the Royal Navy about the changing situation of European naval powers. Also, they made many meaningful debates for the Royal Navy to overcome the difficult situations in that time. Those essays were reflecting the issues of the Royal Navy and leading the way for getting over it. Besides, some people appeared through the contest and they played important roles for making the contingency and planning the war. The contest reflected the past, anticipated the future, and selected the talented persons to shape the future. This developing aspects of the RUSI could apply to the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy(KIMS). The KIMS already carries out the role of the RUSI very similarly. If the KIMS changes to the way for open-door policy to more people, it will work more efficiently for their goal. In this respect, the messages of the RUSI will be very useful for improving the activities of the KIMS.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The tensions between the U.S and China, which form the two pillars of the G2 era, seem to have persisted even after the Trump administration inaugurated. The strong confrontation between the two in recent foreign security issues may drive to develop an inadvertent military conflict, and it is high likely to occur in the maritime are. The purpose of this study is not only to analyze the balance of modernized naval forces in the PLAN through naval strategy changes and weapons system modernization trend, but also to predict the impact of the geographical proximity difference on the balance of naval forces in the disputed areas. It examined the impact of distance and geography on naval power by assessing the modernization pattern of the PLAN and capabilities in the context of two scenarios at different distances from China by 2020: one centered on Taiwan and the other on the Spratly Islands. The PLAN's strategy had impact on operational concept and forces construction. First, from the viewpoint of operation operational concept, it can be seen that the passive defense is changing into active defense. Second, in terms of power construction, it can threaten the surface and submarines of U.S power from a distance. And they generated follow three features; The ocean is not the focus of Chinese submarines, Horizontal and vertical expansion of Chinese naval vessels, The improvement of the suppression ability as the Chinese naval modernization ratio increases. The strength of the PLAN is dominant over the U.S in terms of reserves, and it can complement the qualitative deterioration by utilizing nearby bases in the vicinity of the mainland, such as the Taiwan Strait. However, due to the shortage of aircraft carriers, there is a possibility that it will take some time to secure the advantage of air and ocean in the amphibious operation. Therefore, as the dispute is prolonged, China may fail to achieve its original goal. In addition, the lack of cutting edge Commanding Ships may bring to weaken the C2 capabilities. At results, it is expected that PLAN will not be able to have a superiority in the short term due to lagging behind U.S advanced technology. Nevertheless, PLAN has strengthened its naval power through modernization sufficiently and it is highly likely to use force. Especially, it is more likely in the region where the naval power operation like the Taiwan Strait is possible with the almost equality to that of the United States. China will continue to use its naval forces to achieve a rapid and decisive victory over U.S in the close area from the land.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.254-290
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• 2018

Why did Kim Jong Un turn his foreign policy upside down in a sudden? US naval blockade became one of candidates for the reason since it had been threatened by Trump administration for the first time in December 2017. Has the blockades worked well like that in the international politic history? This paper reveals the effectiveness of naval blockade on sanctioning in the peacetime. This research analyzes three hypothetical arguments about the naval blockade based on the result of empirical tests with TIES Dataset. First, sanctions by blockading are more effective in gaining political benefits than the other economic sanctions. It was ranked the 4th effective way of sanction out of 9. And 56.3% of pacific naval blockades without packaged economic sanctions were succeeded, whereas the possibility of success increase up to 61.2% when blockade has been imposed in accordance with the other type of economic sanctions. Second, blockades deter military collisions, even war. When it comes to military provocation issue, blockading sanctions gain political interest far more than the other type of economic sanctions. The possibility of the success reaches up to 74%. Also, there wasn't any historical cases of war incurred by blockading sanctions within 5 years after the blockade end. Third, policy makers just need 1.2 years on average to see the end of sanctions when they choose the naval blockade as the method of imposing sanction on the adversary. It is impressively short span of time in achieving political goal compared to the other types of sanctions which are need 9 years on average. North East Asia sea could be the next stage for a naval blockade sooner or later. Because China and Japan not only possess capabilities of blockade but also have will to impose blockades to the others if conditions are set. And even the North Korea with lots of submerging forces could be a blockading threat in the specific area. So, the Republic of Korea has to pay more attention and be prepared for naval blockading sanction.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.220-250
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• 2013

South Korean national security strategy should be developed to effectively handle and counter increasing maritime threats and challenges. There are three major maritime threats South Korea faces today; maritime disputes on the EEZ boundary and Dokdo islet issues, North Korean threats, and international maritime security. Maritime disputes in the region are getting intensified and turned into a military confrontation after 2010. Now regional countries confront each other with military and police forces and use economic leverage to coerce the others. They are very eager to create advantageous de facto situations to legitimize their territorial claims. North Korean threat is also increasing in the sea as we witnessed in the Cheonan incident and Yeonpyoung shelling in 2010. North Korea resorts to local provocations and nuclear threats to coerce South Korea in which it may enjoy asymmetric advantages. The NLL area of the west sea would be a main hot spot that North Korea may continue to make a local provocation. Also, South Korean national economy is heavily dependent upon foreign trade and national strategic resources such as oil are all imported. Without an assurance on the safety of sea routes, these economic activities cannot be maintained and expanded. This paper argues that South Korea should make national maritime strategy and enhance the strength of naval forces. As a middle power, its national security strategy needs to consider all the threats and challenges not only from North Korea but also to maritime security. This is not a matter of choice but a mandate for national survival and prosperity. This paper discusses the importance of maritime security, changing characteristics of maritime threats and challenges, regional maritime disputes and its threat to South Korea's security, and South Korea's future security strategy and ways to enhance the role of naval forces. Our national maritime strategy needs to show middle and long term policy directions on how we will protect our maritime interests. Especially, it is important to build proper naval might to carry out all the roles and missions required to the military.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.71-96
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• 2013

Not much research has focused on the combat history of the Manchu invasion of Korea. In particular, the role of the navy has not been properly examined. However, the naval forces of the Joseon Dynasty were critical to the military strategies adopted by the leaders of Joseon and the courts of the Ming and Later Jin dynasties. Therefore, by investigating the role of Joseon's navy, we can establish a better understanding of the dynamic situation in East Asia during this period. This paper traces the specific naval strategies of Joseon and also looks at the parts played by the Ming and Later Jin dynasties, based on their historical records. The main part of this paper consists of three chapters. Chapter 1 will uncover the reputation and the actual military strategies of Joseon's naval forces during this period. Chapter 2 will discuss the military strategies devised by the Ming and Later Jin courts as a reaction to each other and to Joseon's naval power. Last, Chapter 3 will examine how the naval forces of Joseon and Qing collided at Ganghwa Island in January 1637 and afterward Qing's requisition of Joseon's navy in its fight against the Ming. In conclusion, when Joseon's naval forces were strong enough to protect Joseon, they maintained the military status quo in East Asia. However, when their strength was superseded by that of the Later Jin's naval forces in a very short time, Joseon was forced to experience the worst humiliation in its history and East Asia to undergo a violent upheaval, the replacement of Ming by the Manchu/Qing dynasty.

• Journal of the Society of Naval Architects of Korea
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.154-161
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• 2016

There are several existing studies for the weight estimation of offshore plants. However, most of them were applicable at the pre-FEED (Front End Engineering Design) stage. In this paper, a preliminary study on a method for the weight estimation and calculation of offshore EPC (Engineering Procurement Construction) projects is made for the use at the estimation stage after FEED. Based on literature surveys including ISO (International Organization for Standardization) 19901-5 about weight estimation, we proposes new weight factors and a weight curve. Weight factors defined in this study include MTO (Material Take-Off), estimated weight, FEED maturity factor, allowance factor, and contingency factor. The proposed method utilizes bottom-up approach for weight estimation and it can be used for the weight estimation and calculation of offshore EPC projects at the estimation stage.