In recent years, there have been opinions in which physicians are liable to the revocation of their medical license if they are sentenced to above a certain level for criminal charges regardless of the types of offenses. Accordingly, a revised bill of law was submitted in the National Assembly, and related discussions are thus expected to commence. Considering the morality and ethics or the level of the rule of law that the general public expects of physicians, as well as the license revocation system in other professional sectors, it is assessed that medical license revocation due to criminal convictions of physicians is appropriate to some degree. However, if a poorly devised system is established based on unrefined inferences or emotional judgements, unexpected side-effects are likely to arise. With regard to serious criminal acts that society generally perceives as unacceptable, it can be assessed that the revocation of physicians' licenses would appropriately protect the general public from threats. However, given the life-saving characteristics of high-risk medical practices, higher malpractice exposures, and social values, it is difficult to assess charges of professional negligence resulting in death(or in injury) and minor offences in the same manner as anti-social criminal offences are handled. Physicians need to be treated the same as any other professions. At the same time, they are engaged in administering medical treatment to patients in the face of great risks as professionals. Under the circumstances, a discussion on the introduction of a more specific and empirical system is needed by considering the intrinsic characteristics of medical treatment and the need for an equitable health and medical policy. Accordingly, based on the above judgment and perception, this study explores the code of ethics for physicians and medical license revocation related to criminal offences at home and abroad, and examines various legislative alternatives appropriate for the Republic of Korea. In doing so, the purpose of the study is to contribute to the development of a reasonable system for handling criminal offences by physicians.
The purpose of this study is to find out methods to control, regulate and prevent sexual violence and provide guidelines for sex education in middle school. This study was conducted to examine factors in relation to sexuality, attitudes toward women, experience of sexual contact, frequencies and kinds of pornography with which they had contact, and sex education. For the data collection, a survey was conducted from September 25 to October 1, 1997 by using prepared questionnaires. Questionnaires were given to 503 students from three different kinds of middle schools in Seoul, Boys, Girls, and Coeducation schools. The data analyses used a PC-SAS. Each item was examined by frequencies and percentage. To compare Boys with Girls, I applied a T-test. In addition, with the kinds of school type, I applied anANOVA, ${\chi}^2$. Moreover, For investigating and analyzing each category, I categorized knowledge and attitude of sexuality, with precautionary measures of sexual violence. After that I applied T-test, ANOVA, and a Pearson's correlation for each category. The instruments of this study consisted of 9 domains. (1) General characteristics of the respondents (2) 9 questions about the interaction between he/she and his/her parent. (3) 12 questions, concerning A Scale for Attitudes of Adolescents Toward women(AWSA). (4) 26 questions related to sexual knowledge. (5) 25 questions about sexual attitude (6) strategies for prevention of sexual violence-33 questions (7) 5 questions related to sexual behavior (8) the experience of contact with pronography. (9) the experience of sex-education. The major results were summarized as follows; 1. Like many researches, This study shows that the girls are more eqalitarian than boys. The girls mean ($40.90{\pm}3.67$) is significantly higher than boys ($34.72{\pm}3.77$). Most Koreans have believed that there are many differences between men's roles and women's ones, because of confucianism which had been implied in most thought and ideas since the Lee dynasty. Therefore, the result is not surprising at all. 2. Most students answered correctly the questions of sexual knowledge. The girl's score was higher ($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $48.88{\pm}2.39$) than the boys' ($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $46.95{\pm}3.90$)(p 0.001). Nevertheless, the hypothesis that sexual knowledge influences sexual attitude and its behavior was rejected. 3. When twenty-five questions were asked about sexual attitude, the girl students investigated were found to have a more propre sexual attitude than that of the boys. A significant difference was found between boys and girls(p=0.001). The result shows that a person who has more experience in viewing pornography and who smokes will have a more distorted view of sexuality. 4. There are many students who have experienced of sexual contact. They need to take a sex education program about contraception and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases. Systematic and concrete sex education is one way to lead them to proper sexual behavior. 5. Most respondents rejected stereotyped attitudes towards women. Boys, however, were more likely to accept stereotypes of Women. The girl's mean($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $40.90{\pm}3.67$) is higher than the boys($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $34.72{\pm}3.77$)(p=0.0001). 6. Many boys ignored the rules for prevention of sexual violence. A boy or a girl who has more experience of sexual contact over kiss and sex-typed neglected the rules, too(p=0.001). Today, there is increasing juvenile delinquency related to sexuality. This study provided the basic material for a preventive education system. I believe that a systematic and concrete sex education system can be helpful for adolescents and promote their responsibility as well as cultivate morality about sexuality. As a result, juvenile delinquency can be decreased. This study is basically aimed to provide information for a prevenative education system of sexual violence. Further research is recommended to evaluate programs in schools.
This study explores the formational process of KBS PD's professional identity in the 1970's, focusing on everyday work and workplace for program production. In terms of salary and social-cultural status, a television PD was not a desirable occupation in the 70's. Since the beginning of radio broadcasting, production of culture and education programs had been sub-categorized under Programming Division. Also, it has been claimed in several researches that in the 70's, the production of education and cultural programs had visibly grown owing to the political necessity of policy PR and campaigns, and the introduction of new broadcasting equipment and technologies for producing the mentioned political campaign programs. However, this study argues that the main force that led to such developments was the cultural practices and the production spirits of the KBS PD's. These PD's trained themselves in production workplace from the bottom by assisting film directors and learning from cameramen about the film making and post-production process. Moreover, in the transitional phase from film to magnetic tape recorder, they established themselves as main subjectivities of production by developing Division of Culture and Education as a specialized and independent sector. The "program production spirit and DNA" that evolved from the experiences of working in poor production environment served as a force for developing professional and self identity. However, the culture and education PD's of the 70's were still tied down to the limited roles of simply providing technological and productional 'professionalism' within the hegemonic structure of the strong state. As with the members of any other social domain at the time, PD's had restricted roles to play and putting in effort and competing to create better programs was the only 'freedom' that was allowed. This study argues that under such condition, KBS PD's implemented two strategies to construct their own professional identities: one was to distinguish themselves from official broadcasters, and the other was to distinguish themselves from commercial broadcasters. Unfortunately, ethical practice as a professional became nothing more than an issue of personal morality and broadcasting's public responsibility was lost under the shadows of commercial broadcasting.
This paper is a study about the Gang Sehwang's (姜世晃 1713~1791) Ink Orchid Painting. Gang Sehwang is a representative literati gentleman who painted Four Gentlemen, for the first time, during the late Joseon Dynasty. There are 20 pieces of Ink Orchid Painting of his in Korea. His recognition of the Ink Orchid Painting can be understood through his records and analysis of his Ink Orchid Painting. He considered the sketch from the nature (寫生), practice of old paintings (古畵), and copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜). Particularly, Gang Sehwang focused on the copy-training of old paintings (古畵臨倣) which integrates the will and spirit of old literati gentlemen. This means that he had recognized the picture as a means of 'literature carrying morality (載道). Also, we could read self-discipline (修己的) values from his continuative copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜臨倣). Next, his Ink Orchid Painting were divided into the first half of the term (his 30s to 40s) and the second half of the term (his 60s to 78 years old). He had polished up on the Jieziyuanhuazhan ("芥子園畵傳") during the first half of the term and on the Shizhuzhaishuhuapu ("十竹齋書畵譜") or the Maejuknanguksabo ("梅竹蘭菊四譜") during the second half of the term. Therefore, it could be understood that he had depended on the manual of paintings (畵譜) for a long time. Nevertheless, he had completed the elegant and graceful Pyeoam Orchid (豹菴蘭)' based on his skill of the manual of paintings (畵譜) in his 70s. Finally, the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting and painters who lived (worked) at that time were investigated. He made?? the Albums of Calligraphy and Painting (書畵合壁帖) with Shim Sajeong (沈師正) and Choi Buk (崔北). They also interacted with each other by Calligraphy and Painting (書畵). Also, Yi Insang (李麟祥) and Im Heeji (林熙之) contributed to the diversification of the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting style by imitating Ink Orchid Painting with the manual of paintings (畵譜). Moreover, it is meaningful that the Ink Orchid Painting of Gang Se-hwang and the18th century Ink Orchid painters influenced the foundation of the 19th century Ink Orchid Painting fashion.
This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.
This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.
This paper identifies what the theoretical similarities and differences are in the concept of Sangsaeng held by Zhuxi (1130~1200) and Jeungsan (1871~1909). Human beings cannot live alone. For humans to survive, they must live with others. However, humans have an infinite desire not only for survival but also for material things, honor, and power. In other words, humans, on the one hand, seek harmony and symbiosis for survival, and on the other, constantly confront, conflict and compete with one another to satisfy their infinite desires. Thus, human-to-human interrelationship is not a co-prosperity that creates partnerships for harmony but one of adversaries within competition that must be fought and defeated. At the same time, humans can achieve harmony and cooperation by overcoming their infinite desires and realizing morality. Therefore, various social problems that originate from competitive structure, which are dominated by confrontation and conflict, can be solved through human effort and reflection, so that humans can focus on solving social problems by mobilizing their own wisdom. Jeungsan emphasized Sangsaeng as mutual beneficence and it became one of the creeds of Daesoon Thought. In the Neo-Confucianism of Zhuxi, there is an ideology of Sangsaeng as co-prosperity and this is comparable to mutual beneficence in Daesoon Thought. In Zhuxi's terminology it is called 'In (仁), humanity.' In Neo-Confucianism, a harmonious world is achieved by loving people and caring for and nurturing all things when the principles of humanity are realized. This means that when the principle of co-prosperity is realized in Daesoon Thought, there will be no conflict or grudges, and only an acquired vision of reconciliation and mutual beneficence will be achieved. Zhuxi also emphasizes the realization of humanity (cheonli) by eliminating self-interest. At this time, the relationship between humanity and 'self-interest' is similar to the relationship between the mutual beneficence and grievances in Daesoon Thought. Just as the principle of 'In' fosters love among people and the benefit of things immediately after self-interest is removed, the principle of mutual beneficence is realized immediately after grudges are resolved. This achieves an endless of paradise on earth.
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