• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.4-24
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• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2014

In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.188-199
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• 2021

Objectives: The purpose was to identify the ingredients that are usually surveyed for assessing real prices and to present the demand for such surveys by nutrition teachers and dietitians for ingredients used by school foodservice. Methods: A survey was conducted online from December 2019 to January 2020. The survey questionnaire was distributed to 1,158 nutrition teachers and dietitians from elementary, middle, and high schools nationwide, and 439 (37.9% return rate) of the 1,158 were collected and used for data analysis. Results: The ingredients which were investigated for price realities directly by schools were industrial products in 228 schools (51.8%), fruits in 169 schools (38.4%), and specialty crops in 166 schools (37.7%). Moreover, nutrition teachers and dietitians in elementary, middle, and high schools searched in different ways for the real prices of ingredients. In elementary schools, there was a high demand for price information about grains, vegetables or root and tuber crops, special crops, fruits, eggs, fishes, and organic and locally grown ingredients by the School Foodservice Support Centers. Real price information about meats, industrial products, and pickled processed products were sought from the external specialized institutions. In addition, nutrition teachers and dietitians in middle and high schools wanted to obtain prices of all of the ingredients from the Offices of Education or the District Office of Education. Conclusions: Schools want to efficiently use the time or money spent on research for the real prices of ingredients through reputable organizations or to co-work with other nutrition teachers and dietitians. The results of this study will be useful in understanding the current status of the surveys carried out to determine the real price information for ingredients used by the school foodservice.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2010

It is not new that today's business organizations are expected to exhibit ethical and moral management and to carry out social responsibility as a good corporate citizen. Since South Korea emerged as a newly industrialized country during the 1980s, Korean corporations have become active in carrying out their social responsibility as a good corporate citizen to society. In spite of the short history of corporate social responsibility, Korean companies have actively participated in corporate philanthropy. Corporations' significant donations to various social causes, no-lay-off policies, corporate volunteerism and green marketing are evidences of their commitment to corporate citizenship. Corporate social responsibility is now an essential management practice whereby corporation can strengthen its sustainable value creation processes by enhancing the trust assets underlying the relationships between the business and the stakeholders. Much of the conceptual work in the area of corporate social responsibility(CSR) has originated from researches conducted in the management field. Carroll(1979) proposed that corporations have four types of social responsibilities: economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic responsibility. Most past research has investigated CSR and its impact on consumers' attitudes toward the corporations and corporate performances. Although there exists a large body of literature on how consumers perceive and respond to CSR, the majority of past studies were conducted in the United States. The stability and applicability of past findings need to be tested across different national/cultural settings, especially since corporate social responsibility is a reflection of implicit conformation with the expectations and criticism that society may have toward a corporation(Matten and Moon, 2004). In this study, we explored whether people in Korea perceive CSR of Korean corporations in the same four dimensions as done in the United States and what were the measurement items tapping each of these four dimensions. In order to investigate the dimensions of CSR and the measurement items for CSR perceived by Korean people, nine focus group interviews were conducted with several stakeholder groups(two with undergraduate students, two with graduate students, three with general consumers, and two with NGO groups). Scripts from the interviews revealed that the Korean stakeholders perceived four types of CSR which are the same as those proposed by Carroll(1979). However we found CSR issues unique to Korean corporations. For example for the economic responsibility, Korean people mentioned that the corporation needed to contribute to the economic development of the country by generating corporate profits. For the legal responsibility, Koreans included the "corporation need to follow the consumer protection law." For the ethical responsibility, they considered that the corporation needed to not promote false advertisement. In addition, Koreans thought that an ethical company should do transparent management. For the philanthropic responsibility, people in Korea thought that a corporation needed to return parts of its profits to the society for the betterment of society. The 28 items were developed based on the results of the nine focus group interviews, while considering the scale developed by Maignan and Ferrell(2001). Following the procedure proposed by Churchill(1979), we started by developing an item poll consisting of 28 items and purified the initial pool of items through exploratory, confirmatory factor analyses. 176 samples were sued for this analysis. Confirmatory factor analysis was performed on the 28 items in order to verify the underlying four factor structure. Study 1 provided new measurement items for tapping the Korean CSR dimensions, which can be useful for the future studies exploring the effects of CSR on Korean consumers' attitudes toward the corporations and corporate performances. And we found the CSR scale(17 items) has good reliability, discriminant validity and nomological validity. Economic Responsibility: "XYZ company continuously improves the quality of our products", "XYZ company has a procedure in place to respond to customer complaint", "XYZ company contributes to the economic development of our country by generating profits", "XYZ company is eager to hire people". Legal Responsibility: "XYZ company's products meet legal standards", "XYZ company seeks to comply with all laws regulating hiring and employee benefits", "XYZ company honors contractual obligations to its suppliers", "XYZ company's managers try to comply with the law related to the business operation". Ethical Responsibility: "XYZ company has a comprehensive code of conduct", "XYZ company does not promote a false or misleading advertisement", "XYZ company seems to conduct a transparent business", "XYZ company does a fair business with its suppliers or sub-contractors". Philanthropic Responsibility: "XYZ company encourages partnerships with local businesses and schools", "XYZ company supports sports and cultural activities", "XYZ company gives adequate contributions to charities considering its business size", "XYZ company encourages employees to support our community". Study 2 was condusted for comprehensive validity. 655 samples were used for this anlysis. Collected samples were tested by factor analysis and Crnbach's Alpha coefficiednts and were found to be satisfactory in terms of validity and reliability. Furthermore, fitness of the measurement model was tested by using conformatory factor analysis. χ²=880.73(df=160), GFI=0.891, AGFI=0.854, NFI=0.908, NNFI=0.913, RMR=0.059, RMESA=0.070. We hope that CSR scale could greatly facilitate research on Corporate social resposibility, it is by no means the final answer.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2024

This study requires a strict distinction between the sculptures we call 'Jangseung' because their origins, history, or functions are different from each other. Therefore, a theoretical consideration was made through the origin and history of Jangseung. Currently, Jangseung is widely distributed throughout the country, but the Honam region shows the largest distribution, and 73 out of 167 locations nationwide remain in the Chungcheongnam-do region. Among these, there are 54 stone jangseungs in Jeollanam-do, 37 in Jeollabuk-do, and 19 in Jeollabuk-do. In particular, the original shape of the stone jangseungs in the Honam region is well preserved, and as a center of the agricultural economy, the jangseung culture is active in this region. It was popular, and many stone jangseungs were built in the Daejeon area amid social changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. However, in the South Chungcheong region, there is not much culture about stone jangseungs, but there is a village meaning and consciousness that stone jangseungs have, but it is true that research on stone jangseungs is insufficient in various aspects. Among them, the form of the stone jangseung built between the 17th and 19th centuries is a sculpture that contrasts with the wooden pillar-type jangseung that is common in the central region, and shows the simple mentality of the people of the Daejeon region without any embellishment. Through Jangseung, we were able to discover the unconscious and potential creativity of national aesthetic consciousness. Therefore, the purpose is to trace the change process of the stone jangseung in the Daejeon area, investigate the functional aspects of this structure, and based on this, examine the various current status and locational characteristics of the so-called stone jangseung. In addition, the wooden figures and stone statues that are now commonly known as Jangseung were each erected in different times and for different reasons. Centering around Daejeon, the study attempted to research and identify representative stone monuments or 'stone jangseungs' that appear as stone statues, and even suggest their form through locational characteristics and suggestions. As a result, traditional jangseungs have changed in various forms as times change, reaching their present form, and the religious elements of modern jangseungs made and erected today are weakened or disappeared, and are used as symbolic symbols or sculptures of tradition. Although it has lost its traditional function as an object of village faith, it functions as a milestone or sign at the entrance to a village or event site, or as an exhibition in special places. It was found that the modern jangseung is a representative symbol of Korean traditional culture and is being re-created as an artistic sculpture that expresses common, simple, natural beauty and humor. Therefore, through this study, based on more specific and systematic investigation and research on the jangseung, it was materialized into a more developed form considering its utilization plan to prevent miscellaneous spirits from entering the village through the currently existing stone jangseung and to improve the spatial space accordingly. It is believed that what is located at the entrance can greatly convey its meaning. Therefore, it is judged necessary to maintain the strong characteristics of folk religion without the sophistication of foreign religions for various deities.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.11
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• pp.81-97
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• 1972

Experiments and investigations were done basically and practically for the purpose of labor saving in paddy rice cultivation especially on Homizil i.e. hoeing and herbicide, 1969. 8 concrete tanks were established on the open base of Keon Kuk University for comparison of percolation, dissolved oxygen and yield test of rice in the paddy plot of tank. The dimension of the bottom of each tank is square meter. Each of the 4 of the 8 tanks is 21cm in height and each of the remaining 4 tanks is 36cm. Each tank has a system that comprises 2 sets of tubes, each of which has 20 holes of 5mm in diameter scattered every side and is covered with nylon cloth taking water in the tank. One set consists of 4 P.V.C tubes. The first set is situated 8cm below the top of the tank and the second set is located at bottom layer inside the tank. The 4 tubes of each set are combined together and led to the glass tube which protects from inside to outside. And this inside-outside glass tube is connected to the small rubber tube. Also a glass tube is set 4cm below the top of the tank. Paddy loam was filled on sand in each of the tanks in the soil depth of either 15cm or 30cm. The depth of sand was 5cm in the soil depth of 15cm and 10cm in the soil depth of 30cm. (Fig. 1, 2 and 3). The paddy rice was grown in the tank. The percolation of water, the dissolved oxygen and the yield of rice were observed in the tank. And the dissolved oxygen was detected by Winkler method. A sandy paddy field of heavy percolation was selected at the field of the National Agricultural Material Inspection Center in Seoul. It was divided into 9 plots. These plots were given 3 treatments: (A) not hoeing, (B) hoeing one time and (C) hoeing two times. These treatments were replicated 3 times along the latin square design. The paddy rice was grown and sprayed with Stam F-34 in the all plots for the purpose of killing weeds before hoeing. The two types of paddy of field i.e. one for normal percolation and the other for ill drainage were selected at Iri Crop Experiment Station, Jeonla-Bukdo. Each field was divided into 24 plots for 8 treatments. They are: (A) not hoeing; (B) hoeing one time; (C) hoeing two times; (D) not hoeing but treating with herbicide, Pamcon; (E) hoeing one time and weeding two times also treating with herbicide, Pamcon; (F) hoeing two times and weeding one time a], o treating with herbicide, Pamcon; (G) hoeing two times and weeding two times also treating with herbicide, Pamcon, ; (H) usual manner. The labor hours and expenses needed for weeding in the paddy by hoeing were investigated in a farmer at Suwon and the price of herbicide and the yield of rice were taken out at Iri, Jeonla-Bukdo. The results obtained from the above experiments and investigations are as follows: 1. The relationship between percolation and dissolved oxygen shows that a very small amount of oxygen is detected in the soil water under 2cm below surface of earth in the paddy even when percolation is over 4.0cm per 24 hours (Tab. 1). 2. The relationship between percolation and yield of rice shows that the yield of rice increases in the percolation of 0cm and 1.5cm per 24 hours and decreases in the percolation of 2.5cm and 3.4cm in the plot of the 15cm ploughing depth and increases in the percolation of 1.4cm and 3.0cm and decreases in the percolation of 0cm and 4.0cm in the plot of 30cm ploughing depth (Tab. 1 and Fig. 5). 3. The yield of paddy weeded with Stam F-34 in the sandy field of heavy percolation in Seoul was 3.02 tons in the plot of not hoeing, 2.99 tons in hoeing one time and 3.05 tons in hoeing two times per hectare (Tab. 5). 4.1). 4. 1) The yield of rice per 10 ares in the field of normal percolation at Iri was 338kg in not hoeing, 379kg in hoeing one time, 383kg in hoeing two times, 413kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and not hoeing, 433kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing one time and weeding two times, 399kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing two times and weeding one time, 420kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing two times and weeding two times and 418kg in usual manner (Tab. 6-1). 2) The yield of rice per 10 ares in the field of ill drainage at Iri was 323kg in not hoeing, 363kg in hoeing one time, 342kg in hoeing two times, 388kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and not hoeing, 425kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing one time and weeding two times, 427kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing two times and weeding one time, 449kg in spraying herbicide, Pamcon, and hoeing two times and weeding two times and 412kg in usual manner (Tab. 6-2). 5. 1) The labor hours for weeding by hoeing was 37.1 hours but 53.5 hours if hours for meal, smoking and so on are included, and the expenses including labor cost needed for weeding by hoeing in the paddy rice was 2, 346 Won per 10 ares at Suwon (Tab. 7). 2) The labor hours for weeding by spraying herbicide with hand sprayer in the paddy rice was about 5 hours per 10 ares at Suwon and the expenses for weeding by spraying herbicide in the paddy rice was 750 Won but 1130 Won if the loss by decrement of rice in the paddy field of ill drainage per 10 ares is calculated in estimation at Iri (Tab. 8). From these observations and investigations it is known that using of some kinds of herbicides Saves labor and expenses of weeding, almost without giving damages to the rice itself, in the field of normal or heavy percolation comparing usual manner of hoeing.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.285-307
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• 2004

Synthesize and examine petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering formation of rock and progress of weathering laying stress on stone cultural properties of Unjusa temple of Chonnam Hwasun county site in this research. Examine closely weathering element that influence mechanical, chemical, mineralogical and physical weathering of rocks that accomplish stone cultural properties and these do quantification, wish to utilize by a basic knowledge for conservation scientific research of stone cultural properties by these result. Enforced component analysis of rock and mineralogical survey about 18 samples (pyroclastic tuff; 7, ash tuff; 4, granite ; 4, granitic gneiss; 3) all to search petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering of Unjusa temple precinct stone cultural properties and recorded deterioration degree about each stone cultural properties observing naked eye. Major rock that constitution Unjusa temple one great geological features has strike of N30-40W and dip of 10-20NE being pyroclastic tuff. This pyroclastic tuff is ranging very extensively laying center on Unjusa temple and stone cultural properties of precinct is modeled by this pyroclastic tuff. Stone cultural propertieses of present Unjusa temple precinct are accomplishing structural imbalance with serious crack, and because weathering of rock with serious biological pollution is gone fairly, rubble break away and weathering and deterioration phenomenon such as fall off of a particle of mineral are appearing extremely. Also, a piece of iron and cement mortar of stone cultural properties everywhere are forming precipitate of reddish brown and light gray being oxidized. About these stone cultural properties, most stone cultural propertieses show SD(severe damage) to MD(moderate damage) as result that record Deterioration degree. X-ray diffraction analysis result samples of each rock are consisted of mineral of quartz, orthoclase,plagioclase, calcite, magnetite etc. Quartz and feldspar alterated extremely in a microscopic analysis, and biotite that show crystalline form of anhedral shows state that become chloritization that is secondary weathering mineral being weathered. Also, see that show iron precipitate of reddish brown to crack zone of tuff everywhere preview rock that weathering is gone deep. Tuffs that accomplish stone cultural properties of study area is illustrated to field of Subalkaline and Peraluminous, $SiO_2$(wt.%) extent of samples pyroclastic tuff 70.08-73.69, ash tuff extent of 70.26-78.42 show. In calculate Chemical Index of Alteration(CIA) and Weathering Potential Index(WPI) about major elements extent of CIA pyroclastic tuff 55.05-60.75, ash tuff 52.10-58.70, granite 49.49-51.06 granitic gneiss shows value of 53.25-67.14 and these have high value gneiss and tuffs. WPI previews that is see as thing which is illustrated being approximated in 0 lines and 0 lines low samples of tuffs and gneiss is receiving esaily weathering process as appear in CIA. As clay mineral of smectite, zeolite that is secondary weathering produce of rock as result that pick powdering of rock and clothing material of stone cultural properties observed by scanning electron micrographs (SEM). And roots of lichen and spore of hyphae that is weathering element are observed together. This rock deep organism being coating to add mechanical weathering process of stone cultural properties do, and is assumed that change the clay mineral is gone fairly in stone cultural properties with these. As the weathering of rocks is under a serious condition, the damage by the natural environment such as rain, wind, trees and the ground is accelerated. As a counter-measure, the first necessary thing is to build the ground environment about protecting water invasion by making the drainage and checking the surrounding environment. The second thing are building hardening and extirpation process that strengthens the rock, dealing biologically by reducing lichens, and sticking crevice part restoration using synthetic resin. Moreover, it is assumed to be desirable to build the protection facility that can block wind, sunlight, and rain which are the cause of the weathering, and that goes well with the surrounding environment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.