• Journal of Korean Society of Disaster and Security
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.37-48
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• 2023

The possibility of a super-large disaster is increasing due to changes in national territory, urban space and social environment, extreme weather conditions due to climate change, and paralysis of national infrastructure due to natural disasters. In this study, in order to support the systematic establishment of national territorial disaster prevention strategies for future disasters, alternatives to intelligent national territorial disaster prevention policies for future disasters were considered. Changes in the national environment related to future disasters, domestic and foreign prior studies and policy trends related to national disaster prevention, and studies related to the national disaster management system were investigated, and institutional and technical policy alternatives were derived. As a policy alternative, it was suggested that the creation of a self-adapting national territory for future disasters should be systematized and continuously supported through a technically intelligent decision-making support system.

• Spatial Information Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.465-480
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• 2003

Various basic information is required to scientifically and rationally utilize and manage national territory. For this, a variety of informatization projects have on developed from public sectors. However, there are a lot of problems including weak linkage between individual information systems and databases and lack of the coordinating function in promoting national territorial informatization projects. This study aims to provide policy alternatives on the integration and linkage of basic information within national territorial planning system. These results will be applied to the planned utilization and environmental friendly management of national territory.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.9
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• pp.323-331
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• 2021

The relevance of the study implies the need to explain the main determinants of environmental policy, allowing countries to converge on a common working basis. The purpose of the research is to explore ways in which the environmental aspects of EU regions and territories can be shaped to apply to domestic environmental policy. A total of 997 representatives from the Ukrainian UTCs, who are involved in local environmental policy, participated in the survey. Results of the research. A hierarchy of regional environmental policy objectives has been identified. Three key principles of eco-policy development have been distinguished. The means of the innovative approach strategy implementation have been outlined (formation of the regional market of environmental services; organization of interaction between environmental agencies and market structures; establishment of environmental funds which finance environmental activities; implementation of the "collateral return" system; formation of a system of benefits and loans to enterprises that successfully implement the environmental policy). The means of the prognostic approach implementation strategy to the development of the region's environmental policy have been determined (the use of an orderly and successful long-term strategy of economic development of the region; obligatory consideration in the mechanisms strategy aimed at improvement of environmental management system of the region, interbranch impact of the projects implemented on the region's ecological situation; taking into consideration the economic and geographical peculiarities of the region, the necessary infrastructure, issues of the territorial location of the large enterprises in the region and their impact on the environment). The means of the traditional approach strategy implementation have been outlined (activity programs focused on solution of specific problems, rather than on the implementation of measures for environmental restoration and enhancement; nature conservation problems have interbranch, interdepartmental character due to unity of the region's ecosystem; tracking complexity of changing conditions (water basins, woodlands, air-mass transport), regional boundaries generally do not coincide with natural ecosystems boundaries). The practical significance of the study lies in providing recommendations for the implementation of certain aspects of Ukrainian UTC's environmental policy.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.117-142
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• 2010

National territorial policies require a series of dynamic simulations, which would facilitate effectiveness measuring and forecasting works geared towards territorial policies under consideration or implementation. This paper aims at designing an integrated prototype for the proposed territorial policies. After the simulation exercises for the Ochang Industrial Complex(OIC) in Chungbuk Province, this study firstly finds meaningful mismatch phenomena between housing and population increases as the in-migration time lag seems inevitable even after the housing construction is in a mature state. Secondly, the OIC development exerts more significant impact on the number of employees than that of business units. Thirdly, in- and out-migration orders are different during the first and second stages of OIC development. That is, Chungbuk Province records the largest in terms of in-migration volume, followed by the Capital and Non-Capital Regions. Even though Chungbuk Province ranks the top position in the out-migration volume, the rank of the Capital and Non-Capital Regions is reversed: the our-migration volume towards the Non-Capital Region outruns that of the Capital Region.

• Maritime Security
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.137-161
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• 2023

This paper explores the limited role of alliances in preventing maritime territorial disputes among member states, using the ongoing conflict between Greece and Türkiye, two NATO allies, as a case study. Drawing on Institutionalist theory, we seek to explain the mechanisms that have contributed to the failure of the alliance to prevent this dispute, despite constant cooperation and transparency. Unlike land disputes, maritime territorial disputes are complex and multi-layered, with fluid boundaries that can change with climate or natural resource availability. Moreover, the lack of constant surveillance creates ambiguity about territorial encroachment thresholds. These factors have exacerbated the dispute between Greece and Türkiye, drawing other NATO members into the conflict and undermining the strength of the alliance. This paper concludes by providing policy implications for the Republic of Korea in its own potential maritime disputes, and contributes to the broader literature on the role of alliances in preventing territorial disputes.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.2 no.1_2
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• pp.169-182
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• 1999

This study aims to convey some results of a survey to professionals in the fields of territorial studies and information studies, mainly concerned with spatial implications of the informatization processes, and to draw some policy implications. Overall findings of the survey show that, along with jnformatization processes, there is high possibility of enforcing the functions and role of the metropolitan Seoul while diffusion of population and polarization reversal is quite feasible to some degree. The extension of large cities will be possible but with some limitations while urban structure will be characterized with limited functional segmentation and the emergence of multi-centers. It is prospected that there will be higher possibility of achieving regionally balanced development by informatization processes.

• 한국신재생에너지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2009.06a
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• pp.460-462
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• 2009

This study has analyzed the scale, location, resource potential and feasibility of offshore wind farm scientifically and systematically based on the national wind map and GIS (Geographic Information System). For long-term wind power development, this study pursues siting strategy building, selection of target area and deciding development priority as well as the presenting a basis for assessment that are necessary for policy decision making by making theme layers under GIS environment. According to the analysis after organizing technological development by stages, even if only the most suitable sites are developed among the area of offshore wind farm candidates that can be developed under the current technological standard, it has been evaluated as being able to develop about 3 times of the wind power dissemination target until 2012. It is expected that about 5% of territorial water area can be developed in a short-term future while the southern offshore area possessing relatively favorable wind resource than the western offshore has been identified as the most feasible site. While about 23% of territorial water area has been classified as potential area for offshore wind farm development in a long-term future, even Jeju Island and offshore of Ulsan possessing excellent wind resource have been analyzed as feasible sites. The feasibility assessment of offshore wind farm development established by this study is expected to assist national strategy building for accomplishing the wind power dissemination target.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.252-266
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• 2004

This study analyzes the influence of the construction of a high-speed railroad on territorial organization in France. After development of a new transportation network, the French territorial organization has been largely modified. Many economic urban areas are modified by their position in the territorial hierarchy according to their condition of connection with the TGV network. At first, spatial convergence is the most important effect of the TGV network construction. Second, the development of a transportation network concentrated in the Paris area has influence as an intensified factor on metropolitan areas and as a weakening factor on middle- and small-sized cities. Thus, this system has risk in increasing territorial imbalance in France. Third, to implant an economic activity zone around new TGV stations, a new town or a new economic center starts to develop. This is going to grow into a second core outside of the old city center so that regional spatial organization is transformed from a mono-polarized(mono-centric) organization to a multi-polarized(polycentric) one. Lastly, the integration of the EU railroad system enhances the concentration of economic activity in European metropolitan areas as each metropolitan area tries to develop more competitive space for its rising position in the global urban hierarchical system.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.