• Spatial Information Research
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.71-81
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• 2013

Due to explosively increasing utilization in spatial information and a rapid development in geospatial technology related to national territorial and housing, there are increasing demands for converging spatial information on not only urban planning and real estate data but also newly generated data from smart phone, GPS to achieve comparative advantage of national territory. In this paper, we prospect the utilization of Converged Spatial Information(CSI) to future national territorial planning for the purpose of enhancing territorial competitiveness. For this purpose, considering the Korea Land and Housing corporation(LH) takes charge most of government's land and housing development projects, CSI usage of this company's 6 future business domains until 2029 were used as a case study. Also, 7 CSIs derived from literature review were surveyed to find the degree of CSI utilization in the national territorial future. In the analysis result, it was found that 3D data and mobile data among others have higher degree of utilization, and urban and regional development is the most highly utilizable domain for CSIs. After all, to revitalize the use of CSI in national territorial future, it is required to do a balanced construction of territorial use spatial information about marine use, coastal use, underground space besides land use.

• Journal of Korean Society of Disaster and Security
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.37-48
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• 2023

The possibility of a super-large disaster is increasing due to changes in national territory, urban space and social environment, extreme weather conditions due to climate change, and paralysis of national infrastructure due to natural disasters. In this study, in order to support the systematic establishment of national territorial disaster prevention strategies for future disasters, alternatives to intelligent national territorial disaster prevention policies for future disasters were considered. Changes in the national environment related to future disasters, domestic and foreign prior studies and policy trends related to national disaster prevention, and studies related to the national disaster management system were investigated, and institutional and technical policy alternatives were derived. As a policy alternative, it was suggested that the creation of a self-adapting national territory for future disasters should be systematized and continuously supported through a technically intelligent decision-making support system.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.344-355
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• 2014

This study examines American geography educators' familiarity and knowledge of Korea, their perception on sovereignty education, and their knowledge on Korea's sovereignty issues using the survey conducted at the annual conference of the National Council for Geographic Education (NCGE) in the United States in 2010 and 2012. This study also analyzes how much these knowledge and perception influence on values of sovereignty education and Korea's sovereignty issues and further investigates proper educational approaches on territorial issues in Northeast Asia. Knowledge on the geography of Korea of American geography educators is higher than their knowledge on Korean culture. Both experiences attending educational programs about Korea and visiting Korea further enhance their knowledge on the geography of Korea and Korean culture. They agree the importance of sovereignty education in geography education and believe that sovereignty education should promote students' sense of patriotism and encourage students to be global citizens who promote public interests. However, they value less on teaching on the economic value of their own country's territory and students' ability to understand territorial conflicts with other countries. American geography educators' perception on sovereignty education improves their familiarity with and knowledge of Korean territorial issues. This study identifies that providing opportunities to learn about Korea and Korean territorial issues can maximize geography educators' accessibility to Korean territorial issues, regardless of their interest in territorial issues. These findings help Korean government develops better strategies for formulating and implementing future international public relations practices for Korean territorial issues.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.332-347
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• 2011

This study is to analyze on territorial education described in geography textbooks in Korea and Japan. The following is the result that shows similarities and differences of the geography textbooks when it comes to territorial education. Korea and Japan have a contrasting territorial background. However, both countries start their territorial education by learning the location and shape of their country. Japanese geography textbooks focus on what people in the world think of Japan, but in case of Korea, the geography textbooks focus on how Koreans look at the world. In short, the territorial education in Japan try to emphasize Japan from the view point of the world. The next common ground is that the two countries provide territorial models in their geography textbooks in order to increase understanding. However, the Japanese students are provided with these territory models much earlier than Korean students and these models help them visualize and solidify their concept of territory. And, the two countries both put great importance on teaching territorial sea. In Japan, they try to include EEZ(Exclusive Economic Zone) in their territory. Considering these facts, it can be concluded that Japan is enlarging their concept of national territory as maritime territory. Lastly, after learning of territory the two countries both treat on territorial problems. But Korea treats passively territorial problem as such Dokdo, but Japan treats actively their territorial problems. Like that, the contents of territorial education described in geography textbooks in Korea and Japan are similar in terms of selection, but differ in quality in terms of organization. Therefore, future territorial education in Korea will be actively and successively done through succession and sequence of geography curriculum.

• 한국신재생에너지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2009.06a
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• pp.460-462
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• 2009

This study has analyzed the scale, location, resource potential and feasibility of offshore wind farm scientifically and systematically based on the national wind map and GIS (Geographic Information System). For long-term wind power development, this study pursues siting strategy building, selection of target area and deciding development priority as well as the presenting a basis for assessment that are necessary for policy decision making by making theme layers under GIS environment. According to the analysis after organizing technological development by stages, even if only the most suitable sites are developed among the area of offshore wind farm candidates that can be developed under the current technological standard, it has been evaluated as being able to develop about 3 times of the wind power dissemination target until 2012. It is expected that about 5% of territorial water area can be developed in a short-term future while the southern offshore area possessing relatively favorable wind resource than the western offshore has been identified as the most feasible site. While about 23% of territorial water area has been classified as potential area for offshore wind farm development in a long-term future, even Jeju Island and offshore of Ulsan possessing excellent wind resource have been analyzed as feasible sites. The feasibility assessment of offshore wind farm development established by this study is expected to assist national strategy building for accomplishing the wind power dissemination target.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.877-883
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• 2009

This study has analyzed the scale, location, resource potential and feasibility of offshore wind farm scientifically and systematically based on the national wind map and GIS. For long-term wind power development, this study pursues siting strategy building, selection of target area and deciding development priority as well as the presenting a basis for assessment that are necessary for policy decision making by making theme layers under GIS environment. According to the analysis after organizing technological development by stages, even if only the most suitable sites are developed among the area of offshore wind farm candidates that can be developed under the current technological standard, it has been evaluated as being able to develop about 3 times of the wind power dissemination target until 2012. It is expected that about 5% of territorial water area can be developed in a short-term future while the southern offshore area possessing relatively favorable wind resource than the western offshore has been identified as the most feasible site. While about 23% of territorial water area has been classified as potential area for offshore wind farm development in a long-term future, even Jeju Island and offshore of Ulsan possessing excellent wind resource have been analyzed as feasible sites. The feasibility assessment of offshore wind lam development established by this study is expected to assist national strategy building for accomplishing the wind power dissemination target.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.5 s.116
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• pp.600-622
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• 2006

The consistent use of appropriate names for the undersea features is an essential element of effective communication among ocean scientists. The correct use of names on bathymetric and nautical charts provide benefits to national and international communities. Also it is expected that naming of the marine geographical features within the territorial waters and EEZ contributes to secure the territorial waters and preserve the various marine resources. This paper will seek to addresses a variety of activities where geographic names issues for undersea features arises. For the purpose of this paper, the attention will be given upon 1) the general history of activities on naming undersea features in Korea; 2) development of the guideline for standardization of marine geographical names; 3) geomorphological characteristics of undersea features in East Sea; and 4) future plan to conduct a systematic analysis for naming marine geographical features in Korea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.143-151
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to provide the future development of the PRC Marine Corps by analyzing the changing functions via its historical development. The PRCMC is an elite regular military forces and was established by the Central Military Commission(China) in 1953 in order to project the national military power toward the enemy's territory by overcoming maritime obstacles such as seas and lakes. The PRCMC is relatively smaller personnel strength compared with the whole size of the PRC military forces. Thus its functions were limited in the areas of amphibious and land operations, island and land defense against Taiwan before the PRC pursues expanding policy toward outside. However, in the 2000s, China pursues its policy for obtaining absolute national interest so that its functions are rapidly enlarged into defense of the forward naval bases, and those for evolving its power toward outside according to not only the island territorial dispute with Japan, but also Xi Jinping's active expanding policy what we call 'the one belt and one road'. So its personnel strength is slowly increased. If the increasement of the PRC Navy and Marine Corps would develop into the level of which they can contain the status and influence of the US military power in Asia-Pacific area, it is possible that the security environment of the North-east Asia including the Korean peninsula will be fluctuated. Consequently, the ROK also needs to reevaluate the functions and the size of the joint strength of the ROK Navy and Marine Corps considering the transition of the changing security environment.