• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.3
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• pp.121-167
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• 2005

The great strategy of China has been changing depending on the time, change of surrounding environment and personality of leaders of the time. However, the process of the change was not the drastic change but has maintained the consistency through the course of modification and development. The great strategy of Mao Ze-dong was to have the objective in 'World Great Nation' with the facilitation of the 'Surpass Strategy' and 'Autonomy, Independence and Alliance strategy' to successfully build up the political great nation, but he entrapped China's politics and economy into the point of no return by excessive war preparation under 'The Principle of Inevitable World War', striving of rapid communism and other policies. The Deng Xiao-ping era also targeted for ‘World Great Nation’ but, unlike Mao Ze-dong, he had the foundation in the 'The Principle of Evitable World War' and undertook the ‘Peace and Development Strategy’ and ‘Peaceful Coexistence' to build up the advantageous surrounding environment for China to focus on the economic construction as the core of the nation by establishing ‘The Reform and Opening Strategy’ and 'Three-step Development Strategy‘ to have the successful soft landing of the Chinese economy with the astonishing economic development. The system of leader's group of China after Deng Xiao-ping succeeded the practical and realistic spirit of Deng Xia-ping, and based on the drastically grown economic strength, the great strategy of China is on the ‘The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’. This is one step further from the strategy of 'World Great Nation' of the past that it embraces all the minority races in China, Chinese economic sphere, foreign citizens of Chinese origin as well as Chinese residing abroad. China contemplates the time of making 'The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’ in 2050, 100 anniversary of the birth of new China.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.318-346
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• 2017

Currently, security environmental instability is getting worse than ever in the East Asia including to Republic of Korea(ROK). Unlike several conventional issues such as maritime dispute -sometimes with islands- and competitions for getting natural resources, contemporary security dilemma issues followed by arms races among states deepens the power gap between strong and weak state within the region. It is notable that the arms races is the East Asia are mainly focused on naval power. As navy is the very possible force that influences neighboring states, submarine power is usually valued for its nature of stealth, mobile and aggression. Moreover, the submarine power is believed to be one of the highest valued weapon system since it shows actual effectiveness for influencing the other states while avoiding direct military conflicts compared to surface power. As a result, all states within the region are accelerating for getting such power these days. Japan, Most of all, is one of the leading state that aims to ensure self-survival and enlarge military influences under the US-Japan alliance by decisively supporting its power to the American containment strategy against China. In this regard, such movement surely sill influence on ROK both directly and indirectly as we sue the common field, the sea. Though, it has lots of restrictions for us to confront them with military forces as such confrontations within US-led alliances is not desirable upon considering current China and nK threats. As a result, ROK needs to limit the realm of alliance within the region while maintaining ROK-US alliance for getting national interests with both legal and justice superiority against Japan. This paper, as a result, is focused on suggesting the way to utilize submarines as a mean of naval power for both current security environments and the rising maritime threats in the East Asia. I concluded to participate ROK submarines in US-led military strategy against China by dispatching them into the East-China Sea and the North-East area of the Korean peninsula to protect both national interests and justice at the same tome. It should be one of the preemptive measure for confronting with neighboring states by utilizing strategic benefits of submarines while strengthening ROK-US alliances upon participating American Containment Strategy against China.

• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.63-98
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• 2012

Northeast Asia has a multi-layered security structure within which major economic and military powers both confront one another and cooperate at the same time. Major regional powers maintain mutually cooperative activities in the economic sphere while competing one another in order to secure a dominant position in the politico-military arena. The multifarious threats, posed by the North Korea's nuclear development, territorial disputes, and maritime demarcation line issues demonstrate that Northeast Asia suffers more from military conflicts and strifes than any other region in the world. Specifically, major maritime security threats include North Korea's nuclear proliferation and missile launching problems as well as military provocations nearby the Northern Limit Line(NLL) as witnessed in the Cheonan naval ship and Yeonpyong incidents. The ROK Navy has been supplementing its firm military readiness posture in consideration of North Korea's threats on the NLL. It has performed superb roles in defending the nation and establishing the Navy advanced and best picked. It also has been conducive to defend the nation from external military threats and invasion, secure the sea lanes of communications, and establish regional stability and world peace. In order to effectively cope with the strategic environment and future warfares, the ROK Navy needs to shift its military structure to one that is more information and technology intensive. In addition, it should consolidate the ROK-US alliance and extend military cooperative measures with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Evolved steadily for the last 60 years, the ROK-US alliance format has contributed to peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. In conclusion, this manuscript contends that the ROK Navy should strive for the establishment of the following: (1) Construction of Jeju Naval Base; (2) Strategic Navy Equipped with War Deterrence Capabilities; (3) Korean-type of System of Systems; (4) Structure, Budget and Human Resources of the Naval Forces Similar to the Advanced Countries; and (5) Strategic Maritime Alliance and Alignment System as well as Domestic Governance Network for the Naval Families.

• 중국학논총
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• no.66
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• pp.227-264
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• 2020

In Sanyue, the identity of the state and the individual is discussed in terms of the class, ideology, system, moral ethics, tactical strategy, national view, Talent image, etc. and It pursues a historical approach in the world history and an attempt to self-realize in the history of mankind. This literature expresses the strength of military theory and discusses the main core points of the country as a military political and tactical strategy as follows: "Shangyue, zhongyue, and Xiayue. In the Shangyue in Sanyue, it describes how to distinguish the heroes who have been appointed through the ceremony, and it shows the accomplishment of the reason. In zhongyue, we discuss how to distinguish the contingency plan the meaning of change. In Xiayue, we discuss practical thinking of moral ethics and explain the possibility of All the officials and sages angry by considering the safety of the country."

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.59-93
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• 2015

A Paradigm shift is in process in China's foreign policies during Xi Jinping's era. Such changes occur with changing national identities from developing country to great power, and from continental power to continental-maritime power. China's pursuit for sea power embraces its global strategy. Accommodating the new identity of maritime power, China is developing its maritime strategy. New silk-road strategy actively utilizes China's advantage in economy, while avoiding direct military challenges against the U.S. China seeks an associated balance of power with the U.S. On the other hand, China make its determination clear to protect its core national interests, particularly Taiwan straits issue, deploying Anti-Access and Area-Denial strategy. 'Pax-Americana 3.0' and 'China's rise 2.0' have convoluted and evolved in complexity. South Korea faces much tougher challenges ahead in its foreign and security environments.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.2
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• pp.121-163
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• 2004

Science technique development expanded into, not only land, sea, and air operations but also those of airspace, and cyber battle spaces. It is generally accepted at this time that space centric operations currently cannot be effectively divided from air operations. However, science and technology advancements make it possible to integrate Army, Navy, Airforce, and Marine forces into effective operations as never before. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces needs to establish a more effective joint concept. The US military, considered by many experts as the most effective in the world, understands the necessity of joint operations and accordingly has highly developed its own concept of joint operations. The US joint operational concepts demonstrated their effectiveness during the Iraqi War by dominating the battlefield through effective use of all combat and non-combat power. Following the US Iraqi War experience, the US Department of Defense continued to enhance Joint Capability through the acceleration of US Military Transformation involving all components. The future national security of the Republic of Korea, faced with the peculiarity of communist threat in the form of North Korea, and the conflicting interest of four strong powers; the United States, China, Japan, and Russia, depends on small but strong armed forces employing all available combat power through effective National and Military Strategy, and considering domestic and international constraints. In order to succeed in future wars, military operations following joint operational concepts must effectively employ all available combat power in a timely manner. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces must establish a joint forces concept in order to integrate all available combat power during employment. Therefore we must establish military operations that develop the military structure and organization, doctrine, weapon systems, training and education of our armed forces based on the key concept of joint operations.

• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.111-130
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• 2014

For the key factors determining victory of combat, many works have been focusing on qualitative analyses in the past. As military training paradigm changes along with technology developments, demands for scientific analysis to prepare future military strength increase regarding military training results, and big data analysis has opened such possibility. We analyze the data from KCTC (Korea Combat Training Center) training to investigate the factors affected victory in offensive operations. In this context, we develop a way to measure the victory and the factors related to it from existing studies and military doctrines. We first identify Independent variables that affect offensive operations through variable selection and propose a mathematical model to explain combat victory by performing multiple regression analysis. We also verify our results with battalion-level live training data as well as previous studies on victory factors in the military doctrines.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.39-76
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• 2019

This paper is to analyze the trend and implications of the publication of China's defense and security white papers. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; publication details and composition of China's defense and security white paper; the gist of the white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; the implications of Chinese white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; and conclusion. The Chinese Ministry of National Defense had published seven books every two years since 1998 to 2010. In 1995, the ministry published a white paper titled 'China's arms control and disarmament' for the first time. In 2013, it published a white paper titled 'The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces' and 'China's Military Strategy' in 2015. All have the common characteristic of being a propaganda policy reflecting China's strategic calculations. It seems that China has began to publish defense white papers in a proactive manner, due to the following factors: (1)pressure on China to demand military transparency from neighboring countries such as the United States; (2)the erosion of the 'China threat.' and (3)confidence in the achievement of China's military modernization. The 'active defensive strategy' and the 'strong defense strategy' of Si Jinping are implied in the words "China's dream is a dream of a powerful country and dream of a strong nation is essential to construct a strong nation." His these strategies have raised security concerns for neighboring countries. We need to maintain and reinforce strong ROK-US security cooperation, and hedging strategies to harmoniously promote ROK-China economic cooperation.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.131-139
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• 2023

In recent years, there have been frequent incidents of invasion of national defense networks by insiders. This trend can be said to disprove that the physical network separation policy currently applied by the Korea Ministry of National Defense can no longer guarantee military cyber security. Therefore, stronger cybersecurity measures are needed. In this regard, Zero Trust with a philosophy of never trusting and always verifying is emerging as a new alternative security paradigm. This paper analyzes the zero trust establishment trends currently being pursued by the US Department of Defense, and based on the implications derived from this, proposes a zero trust establishment plan tailored to the Korean military. The zero trust establishment plan tailored to the Korean military proposed in this paper includes a zero trust establishment strategy, a plan to organize a dedicated organization and secure budget, and a plan to secure zero trust establishment technology. Compared to cyber security based on the existing physical network separation policy, it has several advantages in terms of cyber security.