• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.66 no.4
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• pp.392-402
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• 2021

The present study investigated the effects of tillage practices (deep cultivation [DC] and conventional tillage [CT]) and extended planting dates (mid-June to July) for maize-onion rotation in paddy fields. The silage corn (Zea mays L.) cultivar 'Kwangpyeongok' and the waxy corn cultivar 'Ilmichal' were planted on June 14, July 3, and July 15 in 2019. In both maize, the plant height of June 14 planted was up to 100 cm greater than that of July 15 planted on August 16 and up to 40 cm on August 30. At 30 Days after planting, the leaf area index (LAI) of silage corn planted on July 3 and 15 greater than that of corn planted on June 14 due to high temperature in the early season; however, there were no differences in the LAI of waxy corn according to the planting date. Despite favorable temperature, plants sown on July 3 and 15 experienced high moisture stress during the seedling stage due to consistent rainfall, and waxy corn was highly sensitive to high moisture stress. The total yield of silage corn was 1,232 (845 in TDN), 860 (598 in TDN), and 765 (508 in TDN) DW kg·10a^-1 for plants sown on June 14, July 3, and July 15, respectively. The fresh marketable ear yield of waxy corn was 872, 814, and 525 FW kg·10a^-1 for plants sown on June 14, July 3, and July 15, respectively. After the completion of maize cultivation, onion seedlings (Allium cepa L.) were transplanted on November 12, 2019, and harvested on May 27, 2020. Neither summer tillage nor maize planting date affected onion growth or yield. The marketable onion yield was 8,305 and 7,848 kg·10a^-1 with DC and CT, respectively. In conclusion, DC did not improve maize growth or yield under paddy conditions. Mid-June to early July is a practical window for maize planting for growers in this region.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.139-148
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• 2021

This study aimed to verify how a multisensory storytelling-based activity-based intervention affects social interaction in children with cerebral palsy. As a quasi-experimental investigation, this study used a single-blind, two-group pre-post test design. This study comprised 24 children aged 7 to 8 y who had been diagnosed with spastic cerebral palsy and were classified as having GMFCS stages I to III. Twelve children were randomly assigned to experimental and control groups, with neither the children nor their guardians knowing which group they were placed in. The group program comprised 16 sessions of 60 min each, twice a week for eight weeks. The experimental group engaged in an activity-centered intervention centered on multisensory storytelling, whereas the control group engaged in structured physical activity. The activities were assessed using the peer relations skills scale to determine the extent to which social interaction had changed prior to and during the child's intervention. The SPSS 25.0 for Windows (IBM Corp, USA) application was used to analyze the data, and the significance level (α) for statistical verification was set to 0.05. Furthermore, the Wilcoxon Signed-Rank and Mann-Whitney U tests were used to assess the differences in social interaction between the experimental and control groups. Significant differences were observed in the total of the peer relationship skill scale and cooperation and empathy areas of the subtest in the intragroup change of the peer relationship skill scale between the experimental and control groups. However, the experimental group demonstrated a significant difference in the initiative area, whereas the control group demonstrated no significant difference. A significant difference was observed in the amount of change between the two groups in the initiative area and total of the subtest of peer relationship skills but no significant difference in the collaboration and empathy areas. We gave a multisensory storytelling-based activity-based intervention based on multisensory storytelling to children with cerebral palsy and saw a significant improvement in peer relationship skills. It may be proposed as an effective intervention strategy for children with cerebral palsy who struggle with social contact.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.87-96
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• 2022

Recently, the purchase of fresh-cut produce and meal kits has increased. Ready-to-eat (RTE) fresh-cut products have potentially hazard of cross-contamination of various microorganisms in the processes of peeling, slicing, dicing, and shredding. There are frequent cases of protozoa food poisoning, such as Cyclospora and Cryptosporidium, caused by fresh-cut products. The objective of the study is to investigate the microbiological qualities of various types of RTE fresh-cut products in the domestic on/offline markets. RTE fresh-cut fruits cup (n=100), fresh-cut vegetables (n=50), and vegetables in meal kits (Vietnamese spring rolls and white radish rolls kits, n=50) were seasonally analyzed. The contamination levels of hygienic indicator organisms, yeast and mold (YM), and foodborne pathogens (Bacillus cereus, Staphylococcus aureus, Listeria monocytogenes, Salmonella spp., and Escherichia coli O157:H7) were monitored. Overall, the lowest microbiological qualities of meal kits vegetables were observed, followed by RTE fresh-cut fruits cup and fresh-cut vegetables. Contamination levels of total aerobic bacteria, coliforms, and YM in meal kits vegetables were 5.91, 3.90, and 4.71 logs CFU/g, respectively. From the qualitative analysis, 6 out of 200 RTE fresh-cut products (3%) returned positive result for S. aureus. From the quantitative analysis, the contamination levels of S. aureus in purple cabbage from a meal-kit and fresh-cut pineapple were below the acceptable limit (100 CFU/g). Staphylococcus enterotoxin seg and sei genes were detected in RTE fresh-cut celery and red cabbage from meal-kits, respectively. S. aureus contamination must be carefully controlled during the manufacturing processes of RTE fresh-cut products. Neither Cyclospora cayetanensis nor Cryptosporidium parvum was detected in the samples of RTE fresh-cut products and vegetables from meal-kits from the Korean retail markets.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.59-72
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• 2020

Video games have become a powerful tool to tell a complex story realistically thanks to modern technology. Rockstar Games' Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018), is a video game title that touts cinematic qualities such as superb acting by the voice actors and jaw-dropping cinematography as well as a rich narrative following the protagonist, Arthur Morgan's quest for redemption. Using Aristotle's Poetics and Robert Mckee's Aristotelian theory on storytelling, this study highlights Arthur's gradual change from a ruthless gunman to an altruistic hero, from which it derives the theme of redemption, and his super-objective to protect those he cares about. Then, it also explains a variety of possibilities in the narrative of the game determined by the opened-ended game mechanics, particularly the "honor" system, which reflects Arthur's moral choices on the narrative presentation with different sets of dialogue and endings. However, the study ultimately argues Red Dead Redemption 2 to be incohesive in its storytelling due to "ludonarrative dissonance," a concept coined by Clint Hocking, which indicates a conflict between the narrative and game mechanics of a video game. It's mainly because the game's various narrative choices bring changes to neither the theme nor Arthur's super-objective. Furthermore, the double-standard of evaluation in the "honor" system, and its numeric ranking system of honor also lend themselves to ludonarrative dissonance even further. After all, the study ultimately claims ludonarrative dissonance in Red Dead Redemption essentially disrupts the game's narrative unity, which is Aristotle's one of most emphasized upon traits of any story and signifies the game's instability as a storytelling medium.