• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.107-138
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• 2013

The purpose of this article is to awaken our colleagues to the culture and mind issues that have been forgotten or neglected by contemporary psychiatry under the prevalence of materialistic orientation. Cultural psychiatry too, though it has been contributed a great deal to widen the mental vision of psychiatry, has revealed several limitations in its approach. In the course of one sided search for culture specific factors in relation to mental health, conventional cultural psychiatry has neglected an effort to explore the common root underlying the different cultures and the common foundation of human mind. Cross sectional comparisons of the cultures alone have inevitably prevented the global considerations to culutre and mind in historical aspects and the dynamic interactions between mind and culture more in depth. The author suggested that the total view of mind and total approach of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung might be capable to replenish those limitations. Author explained the ways of C.G. Jung's observations and experiences of non-western culture and his concepts of culture and mind. The author demonstrated Jung's view of culture with the example of Filial Piety, Hyo, the Confucian moral norm which can be regarded as components of the collective consciousness though connected with archetypal patterns of behavior of intimacy between parent and child. In regard to the coexistence of multi-religious cultures in Korea the author made a proposal of 'culture spectrum' model for understanding value orientations of person in religious cultures. He identified in case of the Korean 4 types of cultural spectrums: Person with predominantly the Buddhist culture; with the Confucian; with the Shamanist; and with the Christian culture. The author also made an attempt to depict the dynamic interactions of different religious cultures in historical perspectives of Korea. Concepts of mind from the Eastern thoughts were reviewed in comparison with Jung's view of mind. The Dao of Lao Zi, One Mind by Wonhyo, the Korean Zen master from the 7th century, the Diagram of the Heaven's Decree by Toegye, a renowned Neo-Confucianist of Korea from the 16th century and his theory of Li-Ki, were explored and came to conclusion that they represent certainly the symbol of the Self in term of C.G. Jung. The goal of healing is 'the becoming whole person'. Becoming whole person means bringing the person as an individual to live not only within the specific culture but also to live in the world beyond the culture which is deeply rooted in the primordial foundation of human mind.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.115-131
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• 2020

Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1^st Gok to 9^th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5^th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6^th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1^st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2^nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4^th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1^st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6^th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4^th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2^nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6^th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5^th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5^th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5^th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4^th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1^st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4^th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.263-300
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• 2009

Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.62-82
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• 2019

Taking the three Wuyi-Gugok Drawings, 『A Picture Showing the Boundary Between Mountains and Rivers: A』, 『Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain: B』 and 『Eighteen Sceneries of Wuyi Mountain: C』, which were produced in the mid-Qing Dynasty as the research objects and after investigating the names recorded in the paintings, this paper tries to analyze the scenic spots, scene types and images in the literature survey. Also, based on the number of Scenic type and the number of Scenic name in each Gok, landscape richness(LR) and landscape similarity(LS) of the Gugok scenic spots, the cognitive characteristics of the landscape in the 18th century were carefully observed. The results are as follows. Firstly, according to the description statistics of scenic spot types in Wuyi Mountain Chronicle, there were 41 descriptions of scenery names in the three paintings, among which rock, peak and stone accounted for the majority. According to the data, the number of rocks, peaks and stones in Wuyi-Gugok landscape accounted for more than half, which reflected the characteristics of geological landscape such as Danxia landform in Wuyi-Gugok landscape. Secondly, the landscape of Gugok Stream(九曲溪) was diverse and full of images. The 1^st Gok Daewangbong(大王峰) and Manjeongbong(幔亭峰), the 2^nd Gok Oknyeobong(玉女峰), the 3^rd Gok Sojangbong(小藏峰), the 4^th Gok Daejangbong(大藏峰), the 5^th Gok Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) and Muijeongsa(武夷精舍), the 6^th Gok Seonjangbong(仙掌峰) and Cheonyubong(天游峰) all had outstanding landscape in each Gok. However, the landscape features of the 7^th~9^th Gok were relatively low. Thirdly, according to the landscape image survey of each Gok, the image formation of Gugok cultural landscape originates from the specificity of the myths and legends related to Wuyi Mountain, and the landscape is highly well-known. Due to the specificity, the landscape recognition was very high. In particular, the 1^st Gok and the 5^th Gok closely related to the Taoist culture based on Muigun, the Stone Carving culture and the Boat Tour culture related to neo-confucianism culture of Zhu Xi. Fourthly, according to the analysis results of landscape similarity of 41 landscape types shown in the figure, the similarity of A and C was very high. The morphological description and the relationship of distant and near performance was very similar. Therefore, it could be judged that this was obviously influenced by one painting. As a whole, the names of the scenes depicted in the three paintings were formed at least in the first half of 18^th century through a long history of inheritance, accumulated myths and legends, and the names of the scenes. The order of the scenery names in three Drawings had some differences. But among the scenery names appearing in all three Drawings, there were 21 stones, 20 rocks and 17 peaks. Stones, rocks and peaks guided the landscape of Gugok Streams in Wuyi Mountain. Fifthly, Seonjodae(仙釣臺) in A and C was described in the 4^th Gok, but what deserved attention was that it was known as the scenery name of the 3^rd Gok in Korean. In addition, Seungjindong(升眞洞) in the 1^st Gok and Seokdangsa(石堂寺) in the 7^th Gok were not described in Drawings A, B and C. This is a special point that needs to be studied in the future.

• The Korean Journal of Malacology
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.125-134
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• 2006

We investigated the reproductive cycle of the hard clam, Meretrix petechialis with its gonadal development by histological observations. The seasonal changes in biochemical component of the adductor muscle, visceral mass, foot muscle and mantle of the clam were studied by biochemical analysis, from January to December, 2002. The reproductive cycle of this species can be divided into five successive stages: early stage (January to March), late active stage (February to May), ripe stage (April to August), partially spawned stage (July to August) and spent/inactive stage (September to January). Total protein content in the visceral mass was over two times higher than that in the adductor muscle. Monthly changes of total protein content in the adductor muscle were not statistically significant (ANOVA, p = 0.071), while the changes in the visceral mass were significant (p < 0.001). Total protein content in visceral mass was higher during the early active, late active, and ripe stages (from January to May), while the lowest in July. Glycogen content in the adductor muscle was higher than that in the visceral mass. Monthly changes in glycogen contents were statistically significant in both adductor muscle (F = 237.2, p < 0.001) and the visceral mass (F = 64.04, p < 0.001). Glycogen content in the adductor muscle was the highest in the ripe stage (April). Its content was lower in the partially spawned and the spent/inactive stages (June-September). Glycogen contents in the visceral mass were relatively lower until the early active stage, while the highest in the late active stage. RNA content was higher in visceral mass than that in the adductor muscle. Monthly changes in RNA contents were significant in both adductor muscle (F = 195.2, p < 0.001) and visceral mass (F = 78.85, p < 0.001). RNA content in the adductor muscle was high in the early active stage (January-February), and then it decreased rapidly in the late active stage (March-April), thereafter, slightly increased during the partially spawned stage (June-July). RNA content in the visceral mass reached a maximum during the ripe stage (May), and then it decreased rapidly during the partially-spawned stage (June-July). There was significant positive correlation in total protein contents between adductor muscle and visceral mass (r = 0.715, p = 0.020). However, there was no correlation between adductor muscle and visceral mass in glycogen (p = 0.550), while a negative correlation was found between the adductor muscle and visceral mass in RNA (p = 0.518) contents. Especially, changes in RNA content showed a negative correlation between the adductor muscle tissue and visceral mass. Therefore, these results suggest that the nutrient content of the adductor muscle, visceral muscle and foot muscle changed in response to gonadal energy needs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.140-157
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• 2012

The result of a study on the useful trend of plants related to landscape and how to plant and cultivate through 'ImwonGyeongjaeji Manhakji'of Seoyugu is as follows: First, 'ImwonGyeongjaiji Manhakji', composed of total 5 volumes (General, Fruit trees, vegetables and creeper, plants, others) is a representative literature related to landscape which described the names of plants and varieties, soil condition, how to plant and cultivate, graft, how to prevent the insect attack etc systematically. Second, he recorded the tree planting as Jongjae(種栽) or Jaesik(栽植), and the period to plant the trees as Jaesusihoo(栽樹時候), transplanting as Yijae(移栽), making the fence as Jakwonri(作園籬), the names of varietieis as Myeongpoom(名品), the suitable soil as Toeui(土宜), planting and cultivation as Jongye(種藝), treatment as Euichi(醫治), protection and breeding as Hoyang(護養), garden as Jeongwon(庭園) or Wonpo(園圃), garden manager as Poja(圃者) or Wonjeong(園丁). Third, the appearance frequency of plants was analyzed in the order of flowers, fruits, trees, and creepers and it showed that the gravity of deciduous trees was 3.7 times higher than that of evergreen trees. The preference of flower and trees, fruit trees and deciduous trees and broad-leaved trees includes (1) application of the species of naturally growing trees which are harmonized with the natural environment (2) Aesthetic value which enables to enjoy the beauty of season, (3) the trend of public welfare to take the flowers and fruits, (4) the use of symbolic elements based on the value reference of Neo-Confucianism etc. Fourth, he suggested the optimal planting period as January(上時) and emphasized to transplant by adding lots of fertile soil and cover up the seeds with soil as high as they are buried in accordance with the growing direction and protect them with a support. That is, considering the fact that he described the optimal planting period as January by lunar calendar, this suggests the hints in judging the planting period today. For planting the seeds, he recommended the depth with 1 chi(寸 : approx. 3.3cm), and for planting a cutting, he recommended to plant the finger-thick branch with depth 5 chi(approx. 16.5cm) between January and February. In case of graft of fruit trees, he described that if used the branch stretched to the south, you would get a lot of fruit and if cut the branches in January, the fruits would be appetizing and bigger. Fifth, the hedge(fence tree) is made by seeding the Jujube tree(Zizyphus jujuba var. inermis) in autumn densely and transplanting the jujube tree with 1 ja(尺 : approx. 30cm) interval in a row in next autumn and then binding them with the height of 7 ja(approx. 210cm) in the spring of next year. If planted by mixing a Elm tree(Ulmus davidiana var. japonica) and a Willow(Salix koreensis), the hedge whose branch and leaves are unique and beautiful like a grating can be made. For the hedge(fence tree), he recommended Trifoliolate orange(Poncitus trifoliata), Rose of sharon(Hibiscus syriacus), Willow(Salix koreensis), Spindle tree(Euonymus japonica), Cherry tree(Prunus tomentosa), Acanthopanax tree(Acanthopanax sessiliflorus), Japanese apricot tree(Prunus mume), Chinese wolf berry(Lycium chinense), Cornelian tree(Cornus officinalis), Gardenia(Gardenia jasminoides for. Grandiflora), Mulberry(Morus alba), Wild rosebush(Rosa multiflora) etc.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.39-49
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• 2018

"Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" is a book recording the Joseon Dynasty's historical facts in an annalistic format. The King's amusement activities through "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" which were established by the Ye-ak(禮樂) system were analyzed. The results are as follows. The king's amusement activities that were performed during the Joseon Dynasty period could be classified as state banquets, military banquets, and banquets for play. The analysis of the king's amusement activity was divided into five stages. The characteristic of [1 period : King Taejo~Sejo(Yejong)] was dominated the military banquets of the Goryeo Dynasty. Neo-Confucianism is the establishment of political and social turning of the ballast, considerations of military culture, culture, and Hoeryeyeon Jinpungjeong, a cloud of dust and elders banquets such as Giroyeon and Yangnoyeon on the nature of the party. A lasting ordinance was institutionalized[2 period : King Seongjong~Jungjong]. In the chopper and jeongyujaeran, Hong Kyung Rae led a royal amusement activities are stagnant, often produce isolated storage compute in the gloomy situation[3 period : King Injong~Hyeonjong]. Revival period is pride of the amusement activity through the culture of Joseon Dynasty royal culture [4 period : King Sukjong~Jeongjo]. The throne, crashed due to political power is an ebb of royal amusement activities, while also rapidly waning[5 period : King Seonjo~Seonjong]. During the early Joseon Dynasty, hunting took place around the forest area northeast of Hanyang and during King Seongjong's period, it took place closer to the capital city, while in Lord Yeonsan's period, it was expanded to a 39 kilometer radius area from the palace, and banquets such as various forms of entertainment of Cheoyongmu, and Flower-viewing. The Joseon kings who enjoyed hunting were King Sejong, Sejo, Seongjong, Yeonsan, and Jungjong. Most of hunting objects were tigers, bears, deer and roe deer, leopards, boars, their animals and falconry took, and the purpose of the hunting was to perform ancestral rites to the royal ancestry or the royal tombs. Lord Yeonsan's hunting activities had negative effects after King Jungjong the king's hunting activity decreased sharply. However, there were also positive aspects of Lord Yeonsan's Prohibition of cutting woods ect. In conclusion, the expansion of the King's garden(庭:courtyard${\rightarrow}$園:privacy garden${\rightarrow}$苑:king's garden${\rightarrow}$苑?:national hunting park) is evident which starts from formal and informal activities that took place in Oejo, Chijo, and Yeonjo, which went further to the separate and secret gardens, and then even further, thus setting the amusement activity area as a 39 kilometer radius range from Hanyang.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."