• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.235-244
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• 1991

An epidemiological study and mass treatments of Enterobius vermicularis infection among children near Wonju area of Kangwon province were carried out. The children were divided into 4 groups according to their residing localities; children in the mountainous area, rural area, urban area and in orphanage. They were examined by adhesive cellotape anal swab technique, and egg positive rates were obtained. The rates of egg reduction and re-infection rates after repeated mass treatments were also observed. The results obtained were as follows: 1. The overall egg Positive rate of E. vermicularis in the first screening was 19.9% (251 out of 1, 262 examinees; 19.7% in males and 20.1% in females). The positive rates were 13.0% in the mountainous area, 11 9% in the rural area, 15.1% in the urban (medium-sized) area and 61.9% in orphanages. 2. The highest positive rates were observed in the kindergarten children, and 1st and 2nd grade children of primary schools (26.2~32.2%), and the lowest rate (13.6%) in 6-year grade children of primary schools. 3. Cumulative detection rates from 3 repeated anal swabs at 4~5 days interval were higher (70.8%) than those from single anal swabs (50.0~59.2%). 4. Out of the examinees who showed the highest cumulative positive rate (70.8%), about 39.2% were consecutively positive in 3 anal swabs. Among different groups of children, the higher the total egg detection rates (87.5%), the higher the consecutive positive rates (71.9%) . 5. A total of 2, 609 (male : female=1 : 12.4) worms were collected from 17 egg-positive cases treated with anthelinintics. The mean number of worms per child was 153 (range: 4-824) . 6. The egg-positive cases in several studied groups (180 children) were treated with anthelmintics 6 times at 3-week intervals. In this case, the overall positive rate was decreased from 54.8% to 2.2% at 15 weeks after the treatments, but no complete negative conversion was experienced. However, in a group of children (154 children) including egg Positive and negative cases who were both treated with anthelmintics at 3-week interval, a complete egg-negative conversion was observed in the 9th week after treatments. 7. The egg-detection rate in the brothers or sisters of egg Positive children was 70.0% (28 out of 40 examined), and the egg-positive rate according to the family unit was 69.7%. In summarizing the above results, it is concluded that Enterobius vermicularis infection is still highly prevalent among children in Korea, and that repeated mass treatments of more than 3 times will be effective for control of this infection.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.279-292
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• 1991

The immune response to sheep red blood cell (sRBC) was monitored in the mice infected with Ascaris strum or Trichinella spiralis. The effects of the infection with T. spiralis or the injection with cyclophosphamide (CY) as an immunosuppression agent prior to challenge infection with the embryonated eggs of A. suum were monitored in mice by means of the level of infection with A. strum and cellular and humoral immune response to sRBC. following the oral administration of 1, 000 eggs of A. suum to mice, delayed-type hypersensitivity (DTH) and rosette-forming rate were gradually decreased and reached to the lowest levels at the 5th week and 6th week postinfection, respectively, and then returned to normal at the loth week. The hemagglutinin (HA) and hemolysin (HE) titers were gradually elevated and reached to peak at the 3rd week postinfection, and then returned to normal level. The appearance ratios of the eosinophils and mast cells were in peak at the 4th week and the 2nd week postinfection, respectively. Meanwhile the harvest ratio of A. suum larvae from the liver and lungs was 21.97% at the 1st week postinfection. Following the oral administration of 300 T. spiralis infective larvae, DTH and rosette-forming rate were gradually decreased with the lapse of time and reached the lowest values in the 30th and 21st day of postinfection, and then slightly increased and transiently decreased in the 70th and 80th day of postinfection, respectively. HA and HE titers were the lowest in the 21st and 90th day, whereas the ratios of eosinophils and mast cells were the highest on the 40th and 14th day posti nfecti on, ruts petit i vela. Following the intraperitoneal injection of CY, the body weight, the spleen weight, DTH, rosette-orming ratio, HA and HE titers, the number of WBC and the ratio of the mast cell were predominantly decreased in the 5th day, and then returned to the same value of the 1st day postinjection. The ratio of eosinophils was gradually decreased following to advance of days. At the 1st, 5th and loth days after intraperitoneal injection of CY of 400 mg/kg, a dose with 1, 000 eggs of A. suum was administered orally to mice, and harvest rate of the larvae at the 7th day postadministration was 7.07% in the 1st day, 14.94% in the 5th day, 10.1% in the loth day, 8.02% in control group. The effect of prior infection with infective larvae of T. spiralis upon immunological sequelae of a challenge infection of mice with embryonated eggs of A. suum in 30 or 70 days interval was checked. On the 37th day of prior infection with T. spiralis, that was the 7th day with A. suum postinfection, DTH and rosette-forming rate were drastically decreased, but the ratio of mast cells was highly increased and the ratio of eosinophils, HA and HE titers were fairly increased. On the other hand, the rate of larvae harvest was 9.3% in experimental group in contrast with 22.18% in control group. Meanwhile the effect of immune response to sRBC was similar to that of the former, but DTH and rosettt-forming rate were greatly decreased in the 77th day after prior infection with the 7th day after challenge infection in compariton with control. At that time, Ascaris larvae were harvested 8.3% in experimental group in comparison with 10.5% in control group.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.121-141
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• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.30 no.1_2
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• pp.49-63
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• 2018

Purpose : The purpose of this study is investigating the changes of treatment plan and comparing skin dose with or without the skin flash. To investigate optimal applications of the skin flash, the changes of skin dose of each plans by various thicknesses of skin flash were measured and analyzed also. Methods and Material : Anthropomorphic phantom was scanned by CT for this study. The 2 fields hybrid IMRT and the 6 fields static IMRT were generated from the Eclipse (ver. 13.7.16, Varian, USA) RTP system. Additional plans were generated from each IMRT plans by changing skin flash thickness to 0.5 cm, 1.0 cm, 1.5 cm, 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm. MU and maximum doses were measured also. The treatment equipment was 6MV of VitalBeam (Varian Medical System, USA). Measuring device was a metal oxide semiconductor field-effect transistor(MOSFET). Measuring points of skin doses are upper (1), middle (2) and lower (3) positions from center of the left breast of the phantom. Other points of skin doses, artificially moved to medial and lateral sides by 0.5 cm, were also measured. Results : The reference value of 2F-hIMRT was 206.7 cGy at 1, 186.7 cGy at 2, and 222 cGy at 3, and reference values of 6F-sIMRT were measured at 192 cGy at 1, 213 cGy at 2, and 215 cGy at 3. In comparison with these reference values, the first measurement point in 2F-hIMRT was 261.3 cGy with a skin flash 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm, and the highest dose difference was 26.1 %diff. and 5.6 %diff, respectively. The third measurement point was 245.3 cGy and 10.5 %diff at the skin flash 2.5 cm. In the 6F-sIMRT, the highest dose difference was observed at 216.3 cGy and 12.7 %diff. when applying the skin flash 2.0 cm for the first measurement point and the dose difference was the largest at the application point of 2.0 cm, not the skin flash 2.5 cm for each measurement point. In cases of medial 0.5 cm shift points of 2F-hIMRT and 6F-sIMRT without skin flash, the measured value was -75.2 %diff. and -70.1 %diff. at 2F, At -14.8, -12.5, and -21.0 %diff. at the 1st, 2nd and 3rd measurement points, respectively. Generally, both treatment plans showed an increase in total MU, maximum dose and %diff as skin flash thickness increased, except for some results. The difference of skin dose using 0.5 cm thickness of skin flash was lowest lesser than 20 % in every conditions. Conclusion : Minimizing the thickness of skin flash by 0.5 cm is considered most ideal because it makes it possible to keep down MUs and lowering maximum doses. In addition, It was found that MUs, maximum doses and differences of skin doses did not increase infinitely as skin flash thickness increase by. If the error margin caused by PTV or other factors is lesser than 1.0 cm, It is considered that there will be many advantages in with the skin flash technique comparing without it.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.74-88
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• 2019

This study developed the Assessment Indicator evaluating eco-cultural value of temple forest in Korea and applied the developed Assessment Indicator to Songgwang-sa(also known as Seungbo-sachal), one of the Three Jewels Temple. Literature reviews and the draft of Assessment Indicator were drawn from brainstorming(including 2 forest therapy experts, 1 Buddhist monk expert, 1 landscape architect, 1 forest expert, and 6 researchers). After that, the Assessment Indicator drawn from the group of experts(the 1st in-depth interview: 32 people, the 2nd in-depth interview: 30 people) was verified and revised. The final Assessment Indicator, which was composed of 4 parts and 20 items, was developed. The results are as follows. The eco-cultural Assessment Indicator of temple forest was composed of 4 parts, which were Historical Cultural value, Ecological value, Recreatory Visitational value, and Educational Useful value, and 20 items and each item had 5 points. Historical Cultural value had 5 items and its total points were 25. Ecological value had 5 items and had total 25 points. Recreatory Visitational value had 6 items, 30 total points. Educational Useful value had 4 items, 20 total points. The total points of the eco-cultural Assessment Indicator were 100 points. As a result of applying the developed Assessment Indicator to the target place, Songgwang-sa in Mt. Jogye, Historical Cultural value of temple forest was calculated as 23 points(out of 25). Ecological value was 21 point(out of 25), Recreatory Visitational value, 22 points(out of 30), and Educational Useful value, 16 points(out of 20). The total points were 82(out of 100). Consequently, this study is meaningful based on the following 5 aspects. Firstly, this study challenged the development of the eco-cultural Assessment Indicator of temple forest for the first time. It is significant because the developed Assessment Indicator can be a useful resource for the eco-cultural value of temple forest. Secondly, the result showed that Educational Useful value and Recreatory Visitational value of forest temple were very low. Therefore, the supports for leisure, tour, education, and use of temple forest are needed from Korea Forest Service, Ministry of Environment, Cultural Heritage Administration and other government agencies since they acknowledge the temple forest as the best customers in Korea. Thirdly, the excellence or for eco-cultural value of temple forest needs to be extended in a national level. It is possible to make a Korean National Bran(e.g., the Therapy at the Temple) by blending temple stay, which is only in temples, and therapy, and is also possible to be a global tour industry. Fourthly, this study suggested legal definition about the necessary of legal definition for temple forest because there is no legal definition on temple forest in the current situation. When the definition of temple forest is legally arranaged, it would be a foundation for conserving eco-cultural value of temple forest, for organizing exclusively responsible departments in governmental institutions, and further for registering temple forest as World Natural Heritage. Lastly, the developed eco-cultural Assessment Indicators of temple forest from this study would be applied to "the 7 Sansa, Buddhist Mountain Monasteries in Korea(Sansa)" and the characteristics of each 7 temple are drawn. This study would be a basic data for temples' management and use with the eco-cultural Assessment Indicator of temple forest.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.4-24
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• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.70-99
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• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.460-470
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• 1985

Experiments were carried out to evaluate the standard gravity in determining potential kernel size and to determine the effective sampling way by analyzing intra - and inter - plant variations for some source and sink characters using eleven semi-dwarf indica and three japonica cultivars including four semi-dwarf indica nearisogenic lines. Also, additional experiments were conducted to understand yearly variation and variety x year interaction effects for ten characters related to source and sink and to characterize the varietal difference of pre- and post-heading self-competition employing three parental varieties and their F$\sub$5/ progenies in 1982 and 1983. It is desirable to determine the potential kernel size by average kernel wight of rice grains showing above 1.15 specific gravity. There was significant difference in leaf area per tiller, spikelets and sink capacity per panicle among vigorous, intermediate and inferior tillers classified by differentiated order and vigorousness. Although it was difficult to find out any significant difference in grain-fill ratio, ratio of perfectly ripened grain, potential kernel size and sink/source ratio between vigorous and intermediate tillers, there was big difference between them and inferior one. The coefficients of variation within each tiller-group for some characters related to source and sink were larger with the order of vigorous tillers < intermediate one '||'&'||'lt; inferior one, and the average heritability of all characters, evaluated by the ratio of varietal variance (equation omitted) to total variance (equation omitted), were higher with the order of inferior tillers '||'&'||'lt; intemediate one '||'&'||'lt; superior one. Therefore, it is desirable to sample the vigorous tillers to represent the varietal difference of these traits. '82-'83 year variations of three parental cultivars were significant for all traits except for leaf area/tiller, panicles/hill, leaf area index and rough rice yield. The characters showing highly significant variance of variety x year interaction were growth duration from transplanting to heading, leaf area/tiller, sink/source ratio, sink capacity/panicle and grain yield. Generalized yearly response of three parental varieties (Suweon 264, Raegyeong, IR1317-70-l) and their F$\sub$5/ progenies on the 1st and 2nd principal components extracted from ten source and sink characters generally exhibited reduction in both source and sink. However, there were diverse variety x year interactions such as progenies showing similar reaction with their parents and intermediate or recombinational yearly response with little or considerable yearly movement on the four-dimensional planes of the two upper principal components between 1982 and 1983. Sink characters revealing highly significant border effect were grain-fill ratio, spikelets and sink capacity per panicle. Among them the latter two especially showed significant variety x border effect interaction. Self-competition characterized by relative weakness of inside plant's sink characters compared to the border one was more severe during the reproductive stage before heading than maturing stage. Though the larger sink capacity per panicle generally disclosed the severer self-competition, some lines (like Suweon 264) revealed severe self-competition with small sink capacity while a few others showed tender self-competition in spite of big sink capacity per panicle.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.15-26
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• 1994

To understand the relative contribution of varietal and environmental variation on various grain quality components in rice, grain appearance, milling recovery, several physicochemical properties of rice grain and texture or palatability of cooked rice for milled rice materials of seven cultivars(five japonica & two Tongil-type), produced at six locations of the middle and southern plain area of Korea in 1989, were evaluated and analyzed the obtained data. Highly significant varietal variations were detected in all grain quality components of the rice materials and marked locational variations with about 14-54% portion of total variation were recognized in grain appearance, milling recovery, alkali digestibility, protein content, K /Mg ratio, gelatinization temperature, breakdown and setback viscosities. Variations of variety x location interaction were especially large in overall palatability score of cooked rice and consistency or set- back viscosities of amylograph. Tongil-type cultivars showed poor marketing quality, lower milling recovery, slightly lower alkali digestibility and amylose content, a little higher protein content and K /Mg ratio, relatively higher peak, breakdown and consistency viscosities, significantly lower setback viscosity, and more undesirable palatability of cooked rice compared with japonica rices. The japonica rice varieties possessing good palatability of cooked rice were slightly low in protein content and a little high in K /Mg ratio and stickiness /hardness ratio of cooked rice. Rice 1000-kernel weight was significantly heavier in rice materials produced in Iri lowland compared with other locations. Milling recovery from rough to brown rice and ripening quality were lowest in Milyang late-planted rice while highest in Iri lowland and Gyehwa reclaimed-land rice. Amylose content of milled rice was about 1% lower in Gyehwa rice compared with other locations. Protein content of polished rice was about 1% lower in rice materials of middle plain area than those of southern plain regions. K/Mg ratio of milled rice was lowest in Iri rice while highest in Milyang rice. Alkali digestibility was highest in Milyang rice while lowest in Honam plain rice, but the temperature of gelatinization initiation of rice flour in amylograph was lowest in Suwon and Iri rices while highest in Milyang rice. Breakdown viscosity was lowest in Milyang rice and next lower in Ichon lowland rice while highest in Gyehwa and Iri rices, and setback viscosity was the contrary tendency. The stickiness/hardness ratio of cooked rice was slightly lower in southern-plain rices than in middle-plain ones, and the palatability of cooked rice was best in Namyang reclaimed-land rice and next better with the order of Suwon$\geq$Iri$\geq$Ichon$\geq$Gyehwa$\geq$Milyang rices. The rice materials can be classified genotypically into two ecotypes of japonica and Tongil-type rice groups, and environmentally into three regions of Milyang, middle and Honam lowland by the distribution on the plane of 1st and 2nd principal components contracted from eleven grain quality properties closely associated with palatability of cooked rice by principal component analysis.