• 한국작물학회지
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• 제30권4호
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• pp.431-435
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• 1985

우리나라 수도 품종을 배경으로 한 세포질적 유전적 웅성불임계통들에 우리나라 품종의 임성회복친을 교잡시킨 HR1619A/남풍벼, HR1619A/가야벼, HR1619A/계통234, 통일A/남풍벼, 통일A/청청벼, 수원296A/계통209, 수원296A/계통237, 수원296A/계통252 및 계통201A/계통234 등 9개 Hybrid를 육성하고 이들의 수량 및 수량 구성요소, 흰빛잎마름병 저항성 및 미질을 조사하여 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 1 공시된 9개 Hybrid들 중 계통201A/계통234, 통일A/남풍벼 및 HR 1619A/남풍벼 등 3개 Hybrid의 수량성이 높았는데 각각 우수친에 비해 36％, 17％ 및 10％의 증수(Heterobeltiosis)를, 표준품종인 청청벼에 비해 각각 19％, 17％ 및 14％의 증수(Standard Heterosis)를 보였다. 2. 공시된 Hybrid중 HR1619A/가야벼와 수원296A/계통237의 수량은 양친보다 낮았다. 3. 수량구성요소 중 수당입수의 잡종강세가 현저하였고 주당수수, 천립중 및 임실율의 잡종강세는 인정되지 않았다. 4. Hybrid의 흰빛잎마름병 저항성은 양친 중 강한친과 같은 반응을 보였다. 5. Hybrid들의 Amylose 함량은 20.8％∼24.7%였고 딘백질함량은 9.3％∼10.0％, 알칼리 붕괴도는 3.7∼7.0으로서 각각 양친품종과 비슷하였다.

• 한국결정성장학회지
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• 제33권2호
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• pp.45-53
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• 2023

4H-SiC 기판 위의 Si 성장은 전력 반도체, 바이폴라 접합 트랜지스터 및 광전자 공학에서 매우 유용한 재료로서 광범위한 응용 분야를 가지고 있다. 그러나 Si와 4H-SiC 사이에 약 20 %의 격자 불일치로 인해 4H-SiC에서 매우 양질의 결정 Si를 성장시키는 것은 상당히 어렵다. 본 논문에서는 혼합 소스 수소화물 기상 에피택시 방법을 이용하여 4H-SiC 기판에서 성장한 Al 관련 나노 구조체 클러스터에 의한 육각형 Si 에피층의 성장을 보고한다. 4H-SiC 기판 위에 육각형 Si 에피층을 성장시키기 위해 먼저 Al 관련 나노 구조체 클러스터가 형성되고 Si 원자를 흡수하여 육각형 Si 에피층이 형성되는 과정을 관찰하였다. Al 관련 나노 구조체 클러스터와 육각형 Si 에피층에 대하여 FE-SEM 및 라만 스펙트럼 결과로부터 육각형 Si 에피층은 일반적인 입방정계 Si 구조와 다른 특성을 가지는 것으로 판단된다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제6권
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• pp.89-130
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• 1993

Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

• 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• 한국초지조사료학회지
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• 제31권2호
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• pp.177-190
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• 2011

본 연구는 허브 부식토를 이용하여 첨가 수준별 in vitro 반추위 발효특성 평가와 젖소를 이용하여 급여시 유생산성에 미치는 영향을 조사하기 위하여 본 연구를 수행하였다. 시험 1에서는 티머시 건초를 기질로 하여 허브부식토(herbaceous peat)를 0,1 및 5%를 3반복으로 각각 첨가하여 in vitro 반추위내 pH, 가스발생량, VFA (volatile fatty acid), ammonia-N 및 건물분해율을 조사하여 반추위내 발효성상의 변화를 평가하였다. pH 변화는 0, 3, 12 및 24시간 배양에 있어서 모든 처리구에서 유의한 차이를 보이지 않았지만 6시간. 대조구에서 1 및 5% 첨가구와 비교하여 유의하게 낮은 pH를 나타냈다(p<0.05).가스 발생량은 배양 12시간까지 처리구에서 대조구와 비교하여 유의하게 증가 하였으며(p<0.05), 반추위액내 암모니아 농도는 모든 처리구에서 24시간까지 증가하는 경향을 나타냈으며, 처리간 유의한 차이는 없었다. 건물분해율은 모든 시간에서 5%구가 대조구 및 1%구와 비교하여 건물분해율이 높았다(p< 0.05) 따라서 허브부식토를 0, 1 및 5% 수준으로 각각 첨가하여 반추위내 in vitro 배양시간 별 반추위 발효특성은 대부분 조사항목에서 처리구가 대조구에 비해 개선효과를 나타냈으며, 시험 2에서는 젖소를 이용하여 사양시험을 통해 유생산성을 평가하였으며, 우유생산량 변화와 유성분 및 체세포 수 변화를 조사하기 위해 홀스타인 착유우 16두를 공시하여 4주간 사양 시험을 실시하였다. 산유량은 T3구가 25.0 kg으로 대조구(23.2 kg), 부식토 처리구(23.1 kg), 비타민 C 처리구(23.4 kg)와 비슷하여 수치적으로 증가하였다. 대조구와 처리구별 시험 시작 전 유성분(유지방, 유단백, 유당, MUN 및 SNF) 및 체세포 수의 변화는 일부 유의성이 인정되었다(p<0.05). 4주간의 시험 기간 중 전반기(1~2주)와 후반기(3~4주)의 유성분 변화를 보면 부식토 첨가구에 있어서 유단백질과 SNF가 유의적으로 증가하는 경향을 나타내었다. 대조구와 처리구의 시험 시작 전 의 혈액내 영양성분 (총단백질, 콜레스테롤, NEFA, BUN), 간기능 성분(AST, GGT) 및 무기물(Ca, P, Mg)에서 뚜렷한 변화를 나타내지 않았다. 이상의 결과를 종합해 볼 때 착유우에 부식토를 급여하는 것이 유성분, 체세포 수 및 생리적으로 긍정적인 영향을 줄 것으로 판단된다.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• 제47권1호
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• pp.50-56
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• 1999

연구배경: 양성 질환과 악성 질환의 감별 전단으로 혈청에서의 cyfra 21-1 에 관한 연구는 많이 되고 있으나, 흉수내 cyfra 21-1 의 진단적 의의에 관한 연구는 거의 없는 실정이다. 저자들은 흉수의 원인의 감별 진단으로 흉수의 cyfra 21-1 이 진단적 의의가 있는지를 알아보기 위하여 흉수내 cyfra 21-1 을 측정하였으며 혈청내 cyfra 21-1과도 비교하여 흉수내 cyfra 21-1의 진단적 의의를 알아보았다. 연구방법: 1994년 8월부터 1996년 6월까지 삼출성 흉막염으로 내원하였던 환자 92례를 대상으로 흉수와 혈청의 cyfra 21-1을 측정하였다. 흉수의 원인은 생화학적 검사, 세포학적 검사, 그리고 기관지 내시경 등응로 확진 되었으며, 흉수의 원인 질환에 따라 흉수와 혈청 cyfra 21-1 을 비교하였으며 각각의 민감도와 특이도는 ROC 곡선으로 분석하였다. 결과: 혈청 cyfra 21-1은 폐암군에서 가장 높았으며 양성질환군 및 전이암군과 비교할 때 양성 질환군과는 통계학적 의의가 있었으나, 전이암군과는 통계학적 의의가 없었다. 폐암군의 흉수 cyfra 21-1은 혈청보다 높았고, 각 질병군을 비교하였을 때 혈청에서와 같은 통계학적 결과를 보였다. 혈청과 흉수의 cyfra 21-1의 상관관계는 양성 질환군의 경우 통계학적 의의가 없었으나(r=-0.044, p=0.866), 악성 질환군은 유의한 상관 관계가 있었다(r=0.837, p=0.001). 전체 악성질환군인 경우 혈청 cyfra 21-1의 cut off 치를 2.7ng/mL로 하였을 때 민감도와 특이도는 각각 72.7%, 72.4%였으며, 폐암군은 cut off 치를 2.39ng/mL로 하였을 때 민감도와 특이도는 각각 73.9%, 72.4%로 두 군사이의 cut off 치, 민감도, 특이도는 차이가 없었다. 흉수 cyfra 21-1은 전체 악성 질환군의 경우 cut off 치가 10.74ng/mL 일 때 민감도 및 특이도는 각각 78.7%, 69.6% 이었으며, 폐암군은 cut off 치가 22.25 ng/mL 일 때 민감도 및 특이도는 각각 81.8%, 78.7%였다. 결론: 흉수의 cyfra 21-1 치는 양성 질환보다 악성 질환에 의한 흉막염에서 유의하게 높았으며 특히 원발성 폐암에 의한 악성 흉막염에서 민감도와 특이도가 높아 원발성 폐암에 의한 흉수의 감별진단에 cyfra 21-1을 유용하게 이용할 수 있을 것으로 생각한다.

• 한국작물학회지
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• 제12권
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• pp.1-5
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• 1972

수도 고단백 계통선발을 위한 미립내 질소함량 검정 방법을 첨부 검토하기 위하여 예비선발된 36계통 및 대조품종을 5가지 질소수준(0, 7.5, 15.0, 22.5, 30.0, kg/10a)에서 재배하여 그 현미를 Kjeldahl법, Dye binding법 및 Biurett법으로 분석하여 3가지 방법에 의한 분석치간의 상관을 검토하였으며 그 중 6개품종에 대하여 동일시료를 3가지 분석법으로 6회 반복한 분석치의 분산을 검토하였고 3가지 방법으로 시료 100점당 소요된 시약과 노력을 비교하였다. 그 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. D.B.C.법에 의한 분석치는 Biurett법에 의한 분석치보다 Kjeldahl법과의 상관이 높았으나 D.B.C. 법에서는 극도로 높은 질소수준에서와 극도로 낮은 질소수준에서의 분석치는 Kjeldahl법에 의한 분석치에 비하여 과대평가되는 경향이 있다. Biurett법은 비교적 오차가 커서 Kjeldahl 법과의 상관이 떨어지지만 모든 질소수준에서 평행적인 경향이었다. 2. 품종에 따라 시용된 질소수주에 대한 반응도 달랐지만 품종과 질소수준에 따라 3가지 분석방법의 반응도 달랐다. 3. 3가지 분석방법별 분석치의 변이계수를 비교하면 Biurett법이 가장 크며 다음은 D.B.C.법인데 Biurett법에서는 각질소수준에서 모두 높았지만 질소수준이 높아짐에 따라 변이계수도 커졌는데 Kjeldahl법이나 D.B.C.에서는 질소수준이 낮아짐에 따라 변이 계수가 커졌다. 4. 3가 분석방법에서 소요되는 약품과 노력을 조사하여 Kjeldahl법에 비하여 D.B.C.법이 현저하게 절약되며 D.B.C.법 보다 Biurett법은 더욱 절약될 수 있음을 알았다.

• 한국결정학회지
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.1-13
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• 1995

융액인상법에 의해 Cr:A12O3 및 Ti:A12O3 단결정을 육성한 후 인상속도, 회전속도, 주입이온 및 결정육성 분위기와 같은 결정육성요소가 결정의 품질에 미치는 영향을 조사하고, 육성된 결정의 레이저 효율과 분광학적 물성을 측정하였다. 직경 20mm, 길이 100-135mm 크기의 결정을 <001>방위로 육성하였다. Cr:A12O3의 주입농도 0.5w/o, 인상속도 2.0mm/hr, 회전속도 30rpm으로 할 때 질소기체에 의한 비활성 분위기하에서 양질의 Cr:A12O3 결정이 얻어졌다. Ti:A12O3 단결정은 TiO2를 0.25w/o 주입하고 인상속도 1.5mm/hr, 회전속도 30rpm으로 육성할 때, 수소기체에 의한 환원성 분위기하에서 양질의 결정이 얻어졌다. 원자가가 변화하지 않는 Cr3+이온은 원자가가 변화하는 Ti4+이온을 주입할 때보다 효과적으로 탈포되었으며, Fe3+이온은 Ti3+이온에 대해 탈포를 촉진하는 효과가 있었다. Ti:A12O3 단결정 육성시 90% N2 - 10% H2 혼합기체를 사용하여 환원성 분위기를 조성하는 것이 원자가 변화 및 탈포에 좋은 효과를 나타내었다. 흡수 및 형광방출 스펙트럼 조사 결과 Cr:A12O3 단결정에서 4A2 → 4F2 및 4F1 천이에 의한 흡수와 E→4A2(R1) 및 2A→4A2(R2) 천이에 의한 형광방출 천이를 확인하였다. R1 및 R2 천이의 레이저 주파장은 각각 696±5nm 및 692 ±5nm이고, 각 천이의 형광선폭은 12A, 형광수명은 152 μsec로 측정되었다. Ti:A12O3 단결정에서는 4T2→ 4E의 흡수천이와 4E→4T2의 천이에 의해 650nm-1050nm 범위에서 파장가변이 가능한 형광방출천이가 일어남을 확인하였으며 형광수명은 147μsec, figure of merit는 125.4로 측정되었다. Ti:A12O3 단결정으로부터 제조한 레이저봉을 이용하여 레이저 공진한 결과 레이저 발진효율은 9%로 측정되었다.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• 제19권3호
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• pp.224-229
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• 2001

목적 : 방사선단독으로 치료했던 자궁경부암에서 치료실패 양상과 치료실패에 대한 위험인자를 확인하여 동시항암 화학방사선요법의 적용기준을 마련하고자 본 연구를 시행하였다. 대상 및 방법 : 1989년 4월부터 1997년 12월까지 경상대학교병원 치료방사선과에서 자궁경부암으로 방사선치료를 시행받은 환자중 외부방사선조사와 강내조사를 계획대로 완료한 154명을 대상으로 후향적 분석을 시행하였다. FIGO에 의한 병기별 분포는 Ib 12명, IIa 24명, IIb 98명, IIIa 1명, IIIb 17명, IVa 2명이었다. 생존율은 Kaplan-Meyer 법을 이용하여 구하였고, 생존율의 비교는 Log-rank test로, 다변량분석은 Cox proportional hazard model을 이용하였다. 국소 또는 원격실패에 대한 단변량, 다변량분석은 logistic regression model을 사용하였다. 방광 및 직장의 합병증 평가는 RTOG/EORTC에서 제안하여 사용하고 있는 SOMA scale을 적용하였다. 결과 : 전체 154명 가운데 완전 관해를 보인 경우는 130명으로 완전관해율은 $84.4\%$였다. 완전관해자 가운데 6명이 국소재발, 25명이 원격전이, 10명이 국소재발 및 원격전이를 보여 완전관해자 가운데 $31.5\%$가 치료에 실패하였다. 연구대상 전체의 치료실패양상을 보면 국소실패가 25명, 원격실패가 25명, 국소 및 원격실패가 15명으로 전체환자의 치료실패율은 $42.1\%$ (65/154)였고, 국소실패율(국소단독실패와 국소, 원격 이중실패를 합한 것) 및 원격실패율(원격단독실패와 국소, 원격 이중실패를 합한 것)은 각각 $25.9\%$ (40/154), $25.9\%$ (40/154)였다. 국소실패의 위험인자로서는 단변량, 다변량분석 모두에서 종양의 크기가 유의하였고 원격실패의 위험인자로서는 단변량분석에서는 병리, 종양의 크기, 골반임파절전이, 치료전 혈색소 수치가 유의하였으나, 다변량분석에서는 종양의 크기, 골반임파절전이가 유의하였다. 5년 생존율은 $FIGO\;Ib\;74\%,\;IIa\;67\%,\;IIb\;63\%,\;IIb\;45\%$. 결론 : 종양의 크기가 4 cm 이상인 경우 방사선치료만으로는 국소 및 원격실패의 가능성이 높고 생존율 역시 낮다. 크기가 4 cm 이상이거나 골반임파절전이가 있는 경우 대동맥임파절 전이 가능성이 높다. 따라서 크기가 4 cm 이상이거나 골반임파절 전이가 있는 경우 국소제어율을 높이고 원격전이를 줄이기 위해 동시방사선항암화학요법을 시행하여야 한다.