• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.305-320
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• 2021

Purpose: This study analyzed the dietary patterns of Central Asian immigrant workers (Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan) living in South Korea to determine the food acculturation and how their dietary practices have changed after immigration. Methods: Self-administered questionnaires were completed by 186 Central Asian immigrant workers living in South Korea. A food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) was used to obtain information on the consumption frequency of 22 food items before and after their immigration to Korea. Results: Central Asians switched to Korean meat consumption patterns, which consume mainly pork, chicken, and beef, showing a decrease in the intake of beef and lamb and an increase in that of pork. Their consumption of Namul (cooked vegetable), Kimchi, rice, and marine products increased while that of potatoes decreased during acculturation to Korean food culture. Positive changes were observed in Mongolians' eating habits. Their meat-based diet turned into a healthy one in which nutritional balance was achieved by consuming the various food groups. Negative dietary changes were also observed; intake of instant foods and coffee increased while black and green tea consumption decreased. Intake of Namul (p < 0.01), Kimchi (p < 0.01), rice (p < 0.001), ramen (p < 0.001), pork, chicken (p < 0.01), fish (p < 0.01), seafood (p < 0.001), and coffee (p < 0.001) increased significantly in the group that responded and their health improved after moving to Korea. This result suggests that health improved among those who were well settled in Korea and ate the various food groups. Conclusion: These findings can help understand the acculturation process to Korean food culture and provide a basis for developing policies to help them adjust to Korean food culture.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.612-622
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• 2017

This paper is about on the most representative ethnic of China Mongolian as the research object, through the questionnaire survey to establish the understanding of national cultural symbol and the system of national identity, and lay a theoretical foundation for the application of Mongolian communication and design in the future. In order to achieve the objectivity of the data, so a questionnaire survey was conducted on 300 populations of Mongolian and other nationalities. The result is that the majority of the Mongolians believe that as the Mongolian people have a sense of pride, and the Mongolian nationality is a representative of china. Mongolian is a kind of aesthetic, creative, reliable, aggressive and like the decoration of the nation. The cultural symbols for design elements are cyan, Gen Gi Khan graphics, agate, and peaceful meaning and so on. The cultural symbols are used for celebration, as well as clothing accessories. The symbol of culture has played a positive role in the establishment of Inner Mongolia identity and the propaganda of the nation. The construction of Mongolian cultural symbol system plays an important role in the establishment of Mongolian national identity. To combine the meaning of nation and the mission of culture with national cultural resources. It is not only to help the development of minority culture, but also to promote the sense of pride of ethnic minorities.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.5-11
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• 1997

Recently, the search for the whereabout of the huge Bell Imperial-Dragon-Temple becomes a great issue. If it happens to be found out and ringing at the original location of the Bell in Kyungjoo City, the Bell might be a great national treasure and lasting to the eternity with her beautiful sound. The Bell was so huge that the total weight of the raw material put into crucibles was 497,581 Kun (289 tons), the shoulder weight 10.3 Chuk (3.14 m) and the maximum thickness 9 Chon (27.4 cm). The Bell was erected in 754 in Shilla Dynasty and was assumed to be lost during the war time by the 3rd invasion of Mongolians (1235~8). However, the author found out that the huge Bell was recast into a new small Bell (8.1 ton) in 1103 by the people of Koryu Dynasty and then the new small Bell was hung in the same position as in the original huge Bell. 135 years later, the new small Bell was carried out by Mongolian forces as a spoil of war from Kyungjoo to the Bay Tonghaegoo, through the saddle point of Mountain Toham, Yangbuk and Riber Great Bell. At the bay, Mongolian forces wished to bring back the Bell to Mongolia by a ship, but they dropped the Bell into the sea by accident. So, if this was the case, the bell at the seabed may be the new small bell (7.4 ton) but not the original huge Bell (41.0 ton) For the evaluation of missing data of the two bells, the author sets up two equations relating all the dimensions and their weights, which seems to be a useful guide to the design of bells. The results of the evaluation of the Bells are as follows. The huge Bell The new small Bell Weight 41.0 ton 7.4 ton Shoulder ht. 3.14 m 2.07 m Mouth diameter 2.468 m 1.546 m Max. thickness 27.4 cm (9 Chon) 11.9 cm (3.9 Chon)

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.319-334
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• 2019

This study was conducted to identify the caregiver's educational needs for health care of children with intellectual disability in Mongolia. Data were collected from 150 family caregivers of children with disability in Mongolia between September 30 and October 31, 2017. The questionnaire included a scale for health care education needs in the form of 10 categories, 35 items, 5-point Likert's type. The mean score of educational needs of the primary caregiver were $4.05{\pm}0.65$. The category of information and knowledge acquisition showed the highest score ($4.48{\pm}0.57$). There were statistically significant differences in educational needs of the caregiver according to monthly income (F=7.07, p<.001), presence of a secondary caregiver (t=-2.70, p=.008), other disabled children status (t=2.02, p=.046), occupation status of disabled child's mother (F=3.87, p=.023), and multiple handicaps of caring child (t=-2.60, p=.010). The findings on caregiver's educational needs in this study can help inform planning of caregiving support services for children with intellectual disability in Mongolia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.140-159
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• 2013

The wooden stupa of Hwangyongsa temple - which was designed and constructed by master craftsman Abigi of the Baekje Dynasty during the Silla Dynasty between the 12th year of Queen Seondeok (AD 643) and AD 646 - can be regarded as a typical Korean wooden stupa. However, it was destroyed by fire during an invasion by the Mongolians in AD 1238 during the Koryo Dynasty. In spite of progress in research for the restoration of the wooden stupa, there are some remains to be re-considered in regard to ruins, relics and literature previously discovered. In particular, research conducted on frame construction and structure can be considered an important basis for restoration. However, previous studies seem to have not attempted to establish structural and formative characteristics of the wooden stupa based on the indigenous techniques and styles of traditional Korea, but general characteristics of the wooden stupa biased toward cultural interchange with neighbouring countries. As such, in this study the frame construction and structure of the wooden stupa of Hwangyongsa temple were analysed and considered in detail based on the re-interpretation of literature which can be a clue about the structure of the stupa, related ruins of the 7th century period, and previous studies. As a result, this paper supposed and presented a model picture for the plane arrangement of pillars, structural methods for Dwibburi (뒤뿌리) of Haangjae (하앙재), Shimju (심주), and other key areas. The author hopes that this study contributes substantially to research on the wooden stupa of ancient Korea and to the establishment of construction and structural methods.

• Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.259-266
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• 2018

In today's society, where people look younger than their chronological age due to improvements in the quality of life, there is a gaining interest in anti-aging and how people compare to those in the same age group. We evaluated the wrinkle index, which is the most important attribute amongst skin parameters, to evaluate external age (wrinkle age). The wrinkles of the whole face were scored by divided 8 areas (forehead, glabella, nasal root, upper eyelid, lower eyelid, crow's feet, nasolabial groove and perioral skin) and analyzed the correlation between chronological age and skin parameters. 206 subjects (Korean female, n = 105 and Mongolians female, n = 101) were enrolled. Subjects were divided into four groups by ages: 20s, 30s, 40s, and 50s. Wrinkle scores of 8 areas were evaluated and developed a calculation formula based on the wrinkle scores. Skin characteristic parameters were measured about skin elasticity, pore, wrinkle, sebum secretion. There was no difference between the calculated ages and the chronological ages in Korean women. On the other hand, Mongolian looked older than chronological age by 9 years. The correlation between the facial wrinkle ages and skin physiology parameters was presented in the order of skin elasticity > pore or crow's feet > skin tone > sebum secretion in both countries. Skin elasticity represented the most related parameter with the facial wrinkle ages. This study identified the skin wrinkle patterns of Korean and Mongolian women and the wrinkle age calculation formula developed from this study can be used as a tool for calculating the facial wrinkle ages in cosmetic studies.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.347-358
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• 2004

In Mongolia which consists of nomadic populations, horse has been loved by nomads and considered most important transportation means. Horses have been used when they were making long journey looking for new plain ground for grazing. Therefore, horse is closely connected with Mongolian nomadic culture. In Korea, too, horses had been considered one of most important means for transportation and military. The symbolism of horse that is represented in both Mongolia and Korea is Heavenly Horse which communicates with the God and it was sanctified as a Sacrificing Horse which was sent to God for sacrifice, and it was even worshiped as Divine Horse, the diety. As is the case of two of Mongolian customs associated with Mongolian language are 'the ceremony of horse's giving birth her young' and 'the ceremony of letting the mare go where it was before', all the cases are related with cattle's milk. The ceremony of 'horse's giving birth her young' is the ceremony where people hope that they would see the young can grow well which were born in early summer thus increasing the numbers of horse. To go with this, they perform a ceremony of Chachal in which they sprinkle the best quality white milk which is the symbol of good luck and hope they would produce plentiful of dairy products. The ceremony of 'letting the mare go where it was before' is also the ceremony where people hope to have many new born young horses thus produce more dairy products and Airag for the next year as milking is no more available for that you. Since the unified Silla Era, Koreans have performed a sacrifice rituals to horse in auspicious day. It's purpose is to see their horses get no disease and bear as many youngs as possible. The Back Ins Je, one of well blown festivals in Jeju Island, was originated from people's wish to prosper in stock farming. It can be said that the custom of Korea and Mongolia related with horse's giving birth was originated from the wishes to god for fertility and fecundity. On top of that, while Mongolians sprinkled horse's milk both on the ground and to the air hoping they would have increased houses and, thus, secure many dairy products, Koreans wish that they would see the increased number of horses and their healthy conditions through heavenly rituals.