• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.45-54
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• 2016

The purpose of this article was to not only review historically the growth and development of dancesport, to but also seek to inform the value and prospect of dancesport in Korea. To achieve the purpose of the paper, the result of this article was framed into four time periods for a historical review of Korean dancesport growth and development: the late 1880s - the mid 1940s, the late 1940s - the late 1980s, 1990s and 2000s onwards. First, the first period was from the late 1880s to the mid 1940s when the nation accepted a social dance and western dance and tradition especially in upper-class Korean society. Second, the second period was from the late 1940s to the late 1980s when social dances (or ballroom dance) were suppressed under the military-based regime. The most likely explanation for this was a tradition that Korea society consider distinction between the sexes as a virtue. Third, third period was the 1990s when the social dance (ballroom dance) was developed officially into dancesport. Actually, the 1990s saw the sport built up a positive image while a negative image was portrayed by the military-based government. Fourth, the fourth period was the 2000s onwards when the sport has been developed as a sport and culture in a sound and systematic manner. Indeed, the sport has come to meet the public tastes.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.45-72
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• 2021

North Korea's cyber capabilities represent a relatively new threat to global financial institutions and foreign governments, particularly the U.S and South Korean governments. Based primarily on publicly available sources, such as journalistic accounts and scholarly publications, this qualitative paper analyzes the ways in which North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has bolstered his country's asymmetric power and advanced his line of byungjin (dual development in the economy and military). Particularly by merging the cyber and maritime domains, North Korean operatives generate more revenue for the regime and helps keep the heavily sanctioned leadership in power. Despite the increased international attention to North Korean hackers, few analysts have examined the important role of cyber in the DPRK's internal political culture, specifically in advancing Kim Jong Un's byungjin line. Cyber fits into the DPRK's longstanding tradition of irregular warfare and guerilla-based armed struggle. Cyber also further advances Kim's personal reputation in the DPRK as an economic innovator and military strategist. This paper pays particular attention to the role of the DPRK's cyber operations in both ideological and maritime contexts. Recently, North Korean hackers have targeted South Korean shipbuilding industries and developed a blockchain scam, known as Marine Chain. North Korean cyber agents have increasingly paid attention to the nexus of cyber and maritime domains in their activities.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.7
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• pp.161-173
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• 2008

Silmido [실미도 2003] captures the covered historical reality and describes the spectacular training process of the special army stationed at Silmido in vivid detail. As a result, a fictional space is turned into a reality film. The film shows ideological inconsistency of the critical view about the fascism of government authority and at the same time the political aid about government authority. The film creates dramatic and friendly effect through melodramatic and emotional exaggeration called sinpa about historical events to produce the pleasure of assimilation based on the trust of the audience. Here, individual assimilation is subjectivity achieved through the general sympathy coming from the tragic national discourse. Silmido appeals to the imaginary community not in a logical but in an emotional way. The spectacular action and realistic images are supported by national tragedy divided into the South Korea and the North Korea, and integrated sentimentalism to amplify the tragedy. Silmido tries to strengthen the tragic situation caused by the division ideology through this sentimentalism called sinpa. In contrast to the brutality of the relentless military regime, the sacrifice of good-hearted Silmido force members is heroically portrayed.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.623-630
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• 2007

The remarkable fact regarding the History of Chosun Dynasty(from Jungjong- Youngjo) is that any slightest evidence can't be found that Pobeckchuck was used to measure clothes or various Pobecks. There remains the document that in the 22nd years of Myeonjong, Japan required that Pobeckchuck be used, but it couldn't be allowed because of the reason it was made in the former king. This fact raises the high possibility that Pobeckchuck could be the most trustworthy standardized ruler at that time, and in other point of view, it can be presumed that the measurement in the period of King Sejong continued to have been used until this time. It can be seen that the length of one Chuck of Pobeckchuck at this time must have been equivalent to 46. 73cm of Pobeckchuck of Samchuck in the period of Sejong. In the History of Sunjo Period, many records on Pobeckchuck can be found, which fact seemed to have rectified the measurement system which was disordered by military revolt, though the reason is not clear. Also a record can be found that in the period of Sunjo, Chinese envoy required the Sunjo Regime to use Pobeckchuck for the measurement of copper pillar, which record supports the fact that Pobeckchuck is the standardized ruler. Another record that in the 26th period of Youngjo, Pobeckchuck of Samchuck was corrected according to the Kyeongkukdaejeon shows that the length of Pobeckchuck was 46.80cm at that time. Also, the record which rectified many rulers with the comparison of Hwangjong-chuck, Ju-chuck, Joryeki-chuck, Yongjo-chuck, etc. with one another reveals that the rulers used in the period of Sejong continued to have been used unchanged until in the period of Youngjo.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.499-510
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• 2014

This study examined the food culture of the Koryo Dynasty during the early 13th century based on the records of wooden tablets and marine relics from the 1st and 2nd ships of Mado wrecked at sea off Taean while sailing for Gaegyeong containing various types of grain paid as taxes and tributes. The recipients of the cargo on the 1st ship of Mado were bureaucrats living in Gaegyeong during the period of the military regime of the Koryo Dynasty, and the place of embarkation was the inlet around Haenam (Juksan Prefecture) and Naju (Hoijin Prefecture) in Jolla-do. On wooden tablets were recorded 37 items of rice, cereal, and fermented foods. The measures used in the records were seok [石-20 du (斗)] for cereal, seok [15 du, 20 du] for fermented soybean paste, and pot (缸) and volume (斗) for salted fish. The places of embarkation on the 2nd ship of Mado were Jeongeup (Gobu Prefecture), Gochang (Jangsa Prefecture, Musong Prefecture), etc. On wooden tablets were recorded 29 items of rice, cereal, fermented foods, seasame oil, and honey. The volume measure for yeast guk (麴), the fermentative organism for rice wine, was nang [囊-geun (斤)], and the measure for sesame oil and honey, which were materials of oil-and-honey pastries and confections, was joon (樽-seong, 盛). Honey and sesame oil were luxury foods for the upper-class people of the Koryo Dynasty, and they were carried in high-quality inlaid celadon vases in Meibyung style. Food names and measures written on wooden tablets and actual artifacts found in the 1st and 2nd ships of Mado are valuable materials for research into agriculture, cereal, and fermented foods of the Koryo Dynasty in the early 13th century. Besides, relics such as grains and bones of fish and animals from the Koryo Dynasty are expected to provide crucial information usable in studies on food history of the Korean Peninsula.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.139-176
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• 2013

It is believed that the Koryo dynasty era is the period which has very special meaning with regard to the history of the VIP guard system. The guard system in the early Koryo dynasty time focused on the official protection for kings and their families with absolute royal authority. On the contrary, the guard system in the late Koryo dynasty time, especially military regime period, conducted providing private protection for military rulers and increasing their power. The official guard troops named 2Gun6Wii became just perfunctory organizations at that time. That is the reason why this study develops the discussion only about the guard system of the early Koryo time. The official VIP guard organizations under the government structure of the early Koryo period were Naegoonbu, Byeongbu and Joongchoowon. This study particularly reviewed the Joongchoowon with thorough research. In the meantime, the guard organizations under the military chart of the early Koryo period were 2Gun6Wii, Gonghakgoon, Geonryonggun and so on. 2Gun consisted of ungyanggun and yonghogun. They were the royal bodyguards. This study especially tried to review the substance of the Gonghakgoon, Geonryonggun with different point of view from other theories. The Gumowwii, one of 6 Wii, conducted many official duties such as royal palace protection, capital city Gaesung defence, area patrols, criminal apprehension and disturbance prevention. It also accomplished crowd control and convoy mission at the streets to respond emergency cases while carrying out VIP protection roles for kings and Chinese diplomats. Many bibliographies verified that the Chunwoowii was the royal bodyguards which helped kings during state ceremonies and grand meetings held by kings. Consequentially, it is true that this study discovered, analyzed and evaluated various references and research materials related with the guard system. It is meaningful that this study newly reviewed the organizations and functions of the guard system as one structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.165-189
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to examine process and organization of local government-managed construction by reviewing official documents and materials in regard to the official residences and castles officially constructed in Dongnae in the 19c Chosun Dynasty. Results of this study can be described as follows. 1) The construction of official residences requires exchanges of official documents among upper and lower governmental agencies concerned. Previously prepared for some 1 or 2 months, the construction was proceeded through proceeded from Paok to Gaegi, Ipju, Sangryang, Gaeok and to Iptaek. Such construction was carried out independently and concurrently Gijang and Yangsan neighboring Dongnae provided cooperation by way of supplying labor and timbers. 2) Dongnaebu castle was constructed under local autonomy system, like other government-oriented works, as governor of Dongnae became responsible for defending such establishment in 1739. The castle was built up in 1731 as an establishment with 6 gated and 15 forts. Directly controlled by governor of Dongnae, the castle continued to be partially repaired until the 19th century. Under the regime of Daewongun, the castle was enlarged and extended for military strengthening. Besides the gate having double-gated structure for the outside wall, the other five gates came to have bastions and 30 forts were additionally established, dramatically changing the structure of the castle as whole. 3) Government-managed construction was often implemented by an organization whose members included local government officials, lower administrative agencies and local influential persons. The construction of official residences was implemented by Gamyeokdogam which was headed by Jwasu of Hyangcheong. In the construction, chief of military officials became supervisor, who was responsibly supported by Saekri. The construction of castled were divided into several works, for example, establishments of fortress, tower gate and quarrying stone were implemented by the organization of Paejang, Gamkwan and Saekri. As a military official, Gamkwan supervised the construction. Saekri was in charge of related internal affairs. Paejang was an technical expert leading several workers. The construction of castles in 1870 were organized as a general rule having particularity of social conditions on Dongnae.