• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.1-31
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• 2008

Trust is central to human relationships, at all times and places. The importance of trust is fundamental in all areas of human life, not only in the area of business administration. 2,500 years ago in China, Confucius taught that the foundation of politics was the trust of the people, more important even than military strength or the supply of food. Shakespeare's play, "Much Ado about Nothing' is about trust and deception. These days, trust and transparency in a commercial organization's business culture form the basis of the 'social capital' by which that organization increases its productivity. A successful company raises productivity by the accumulation of social capital, derived from a trust relationship between business partners, and between the company and consumers. Trust is the crucial factor. At the national level, building trust determines a nation's competitiveness. For a company, long term trust relationships with customers are essential for its survival in a business environment of rapid change. Such relationships, based on trust, are important assets to ensure a company's competitive advantage, and need to be organic to that company's business culture. Because of this importance, trust relationships have been studied in diverse areas within business administration, and especially within marketing, where they form the basis of a successful relationship between producer and consumer. However, what has been lacking is a unified definition of trust. Research has been conducted on the basis of various definitions and models. The majority of researchers have not considered the multidimensional character of the concept of trust until now. Approaches based on a one dimensional model have undermined the value of research results. Furthermore, researchers have only considered trust and trustworthiness as a single component. The majority of research has explored the consequences of perceived trust for outcomes such as loyalty or cooperation, but has neglected the effects of trustworthiness upon the mechanisms of consumer trust. This study focuses on the dimension of trust from such a perspective. It seeks to verify the effect of trust on customer intentions by breaking it down into three separate components: 1) the salesperson, 2) the product/service, and 3) the company. The purposes of this paper are as follows: Firstly, we review the multidimensional nature of trust objects: the salesperson, the product/service, and the company. Secondly, we analyze the relationship between multidimensional trust and trustworthiness. Thirdly, we analyze the connection between trust and repeat purchase intentions for the maintenance of long term relationships. For these purposes the author has developed several hypotheses as follows: H1-1: The competence of a salesperson is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the salesperson. H1-2: The benevolence of a salesperson is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the salesperson. H2-1: The competence of product/service is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the product/service. H2-2: The benevolence of product/service is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the product/service. H3-1: The reputation of a company is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the company. H3-2: The physical environment of a company is positively associated with the trust given by the consumer to the company. H4-1: Trust in a salesperson is positively associated with repeat purchase intentions. H4-2: Trust in a product/service is positively associated with repeat purchase intentions. H4-3: Trust in a company is positively associated with repeat purchase intentions. The data was compiled from 366 questionnaires. 500 questionnaires were collected, but some of the data was considered unsuitable and inappropriate. The subjects of the survey were male and female customers purchasing products at department stores in Seoul, Daegu and Gyeongbuk. It was carried out between Oct. 25 and 29, 2007. The data was analyzed by frequency analysis using SPSS 12.0 and structural equation modeling using LISREL 8.7. The result of the overall model analysis is as follows: Chi-Square=445.497, d.f.=185, p-value=0.0, GFI=.901, RMSEA=.0617, NNFI=.986, NFI=.981, CFI=.989, AGFI=.864, RMR=.0872. The results of the overall model analysis were coherent. It was found that trust is a multi-dimensional construct, that each of the dimensions of trust are meaningful influences on customer's repurchase intention. Trust in a company may be the most relevant, while trust in a product/service and a salesperson may be less relevant to repurchase intentions. The effective factors in determining trust in a salesperson and a company's product/service were found to be competence and benevolence. Factors in determining trust in a company were its reputation and physical environment, and the relationship of each effective trust factor has been verified in this research. As a result, it was found that competence and benevolence have a meaningful influence on trust in a salesperson and in product/service. It was also found that a company's reputation influences the overall trust in the company significantly but a company's physical environment does not have much effect.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.125-158
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• 2012

After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Journal of the Institute of Convergence Signal Processing
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.147-153
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• 2013

Functional game, which is the combination of play and learning and a futuristic tool, can minimize the dysfunction and maximize the proper functions, and furthermore, has taken root as a new alternative that can change the game industry and game culture. Recently, the focus of game and education markets is shifting to the development of more advanced learning contents, rather than emphasizing the self-control and motivation of users. Along with that, the game market has excluded the socially dysfunctional elements, such as the addiction and learning disabilities, and has witnessed a diversification into the human-friendly entertainment business that emphasizes the mental and physical health and pursues scientific educational effects. In addition, functional games are expanding its reach from the professional sectors - such as medical aide/medical learning, military simulation, health, auxiliary tools, special education and learning tools - to the realm of routine education, mental health, etc., and has seen a steady growth. However, most functional games, which are being currently planned and developed to cope with the special characteristics of the market, have not undergone accurate scientific assessment of their functions and have not proven their effectiveness. An overwhelming proportion of the functional games are being developed based on the intuition and experience of game developers. Moreover, the type of games, which involve the repetition of simple tasks or take the form of simple puzzles, cannot effectively combine the practically interesting factors and the learning effects. Most games incorporate unscientific methods leading to the vague anticipation of improvement in functions, rather than the assessment of human functions. In this paper, a study was conducted to present the measures that could maximize the effects of functional games in relation to the changes in the visual and auditory stimulations in order to maximize the effects of functional games, i,e., the immersion and concentration. To compare the degree of effects arising from the visual stimulation, the functional game contents made in the form of 2D and 3D were utilized. In addition. ultra sound and 3-dimensional functional game contents were utilized to compare the degree of effects resulting from the changes in the auditory stimulation. The brainwave of the users were measured while conducting the experiments related to the response to the changes in visual and auditory stimulations in 3 steps, and the results of the analysis were compared.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.129-156
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• 2005

Increasing discovery cases of underground storage facilities made of earth, wood, or stone are being reported from the recent excavation survey of the Baekje relics. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine the structure and function of the underground storage facilities of Baekje following a classification made by the type and building method as follows: plask shape, wooden box shape, and stone box shape. The plask shape storage is the most representative underground storage of Baekje that has been found in numerous relics more than 600 sets around Hangang(Han River) and Geumgang(Geum River) from the Hansung period to Sabi period in Baekje Dynasty. It is a historical artefact as a part of the unique storage culture of Baekje around Hangang and Geumgang from the 3rd to 7th Century. Considering its structure and the example of Chinese one, it might had been used for a long-term storage of grains and various other items including earth wares. The storage facility in wooden box shape and stone box shape are found mostly in the relics Of Sabi period. Thus it might had taken some functions of the storage in traditional pouch shape which had decreased after the 6th Century. In particular, the wooden box shape and stone box shape storage required enormous labor force to build owing to their structure and building method. Thus, they were considered to had been used for official purposes in province fortress and citadel artefact. The wooden box shape storage facility is classified into flat rectangular type and square type based on the structure, and into Gagu type(架構式) and Juheol type(柱穴式) based on the building method. It might had been decided according to the geography and geological feature of the place where the storage was to be built. Considering the examples of Gwanbuk-ri relics and Weolpyong-dong relics, the wooden box shape storage facility might had been used for various items depending on the needs, including foods such as fruits and essential provisions at the military base. Considering the long-term food storage, the examples in Japan, and the functional characteristics of the underground storage facility, there is a possibility that the wooden and stone box shape storage facilities had been built so as to safely store important items in case of fire. This study is only a rudimentary examination for the storage facility in Baekje. Thus further studies are to be made specifically and comprehensively on the comparison with other regions, distribution pattern, discovered relics and artefacts, and functions.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.54-73
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• 2021

The Natural Products Research Institute (NPRI, 生藥硏究所), an institution affiliated with Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學), was the predecessor of the NPRI at Seoul National University and a comprehensive research institute that focused on ginseng research during the Japanese colonial era. It was established under the leadership of Noriyuki Sugihara (杉原德行), a professor of the second lecture in pharmacology at the College of Medicine in Keijo Imperial University. Prof. Sugihara concentrated on studying Korean ginseng and herbal medicine beginning in 1926 when the second lecture of pharmacology was established. In addition to Prof. Sugihara, who majored in medicine and pharmacology, Kaku Tenmin (加來天民), an assistant professor who majored in pharmacy; Tsutomu Ishidoya (石戶谷勉), a lecturer who majored in agriculture and forestry; and about 36 researchers actively worked in the laboratory before the establishment of the NPRI in 1939. Among these personnel, approximately 14 Korean researchers had basic medical knowledge, derived mostly from specialized schools, such as medical, dental, and pharmaceutical institutions. As part of the initiative to explore the medicinal herbs of Joseon, the number of Korean researchers increased beginning in 1930. This increase started with Min Byung-Ki (閔丙祺) and Kim Ha-sik (金夏植). The second lecture of pharmacology presented various research results in areas covering medicinal plants in Joseon as well as pharmacological actions and component analyses of herbal medicines. It also conducted joint research with variousinstitutions. Meanwhile, in Gaesong (開城), the largest ginseng-producing area in Korea, the plan for the Pharmaceutical Industry Complex was established in 1935. This was a large-scale project aimed at generating profits through research on and the mass production of drugs and the reformation of the ginseng industry under collaboration among the Gaesong Ministry, Kwandong (關東) military forces, Keijo Imperial University, and private organizations. In 1936 and 1938, the Gyeonggi Provincial Medicinal Plant Research Institute (京畿道立 藥用植物硏究所) and the Herb Garden of Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學 藥草園) and Pharmaceutical Factory were established, respectively. These institutions merged to become Keijo Imperial University's NPRI, which wasthen overseen by Prof. Sugihara as director. Aside from conducting pharmacological research on ginseng, the NPRI devoted efforts to the development and sale of ginseng-based drugs, such as Sunryosam (鮮麗蔘), and the cultivation of ginseng. In 1941, the Jeju Urban Test Center (濟州島試驗場) was established, and an insecticide called Pancy (パンシ) was produced using Jeju-do medicinal herbs. However, even before research results were published in earnest, Japanese researchers, including Prof. Sugihara, hurriedly returned to Japan in 1945 because of the surrender of Japanese forces and the liberation of Korea. The NPRI was handed over to Seoul National University and led by Prof. Oh Jin-Sup (吳鎭燮), a former medical student at Keijo Imperial University. Scholars such as Woo Lin-Keun (禹麟根) and Seok Joo-Myung (石宙明) worked diligently to deal with the Korean pharmaceutical industry.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.73-109
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• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.