• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.60-71
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• 1976

The author reviewed the medical records of 96 typhoid fever patients who were diagnosed, admitted, and treated at Sea grave Memorial Hospital from January 1 , 1973 through August 31, 1975. Diagnosis was determined by clinical observation, aerology and bacteriology, eighty patients were treated medically, the remaining 16 patients required surgical intervention. The following results were obtained: 1) The age distribution of the patients revealed that 33.3% wert between 10 and 19 years old 21.9% were between 20 and 29, and 19.8% were between 30 and 39. The majority of patients were from these more active age groups. Male to female sex ratio was 1.3 : 1 2) Seasonal distribution was observed. Most illness occurred in the summer and autumn month 5. 3) 84. 3%of the patients came from farm families. 4) Duration between onset and admission averaged 16.0 days. The group without compilations was admitted after an average of 15. 1 days; The group with complications was ad-matted after an average of 19.4 days. 5) Methods of treatment before admission were as follows: 10.4% at medical clinics, 61, 5% at pharmacies (antibiotics 47.9%, other. drugs 13.5%), 7.3% by herb medications, 20.8% had no treatment. 6) Main clinical symptoms were as follows: fever 93.8%, headache 47.9%, abdominal pain 47.9%, chills 38.5%, cough 36.5%, general weakness 26.0%, nausea e vomiting 24.0% and generalized pain 21.9%. 7) Temperature of patients on admission: 22.9% were 39f or more, 67.6% were between 37℃ and 38℃, and 9.4% were 37℃ or less. 8) Occurrence of intensional bleeding after onset of disease averaged 9.3 days; perforation occurred at an average of 19. 1 days. 9) Interval between onset of major complication and surgical intervention averaged 2.8 days. 10) Among the 68 patients who underwent the bacteriological test the positive rate was 44.1% (30). The positive ,ales to, each separate culture method were as follows: 20.4% in the blood culture, 40.4% in the stool culture and 6.7% in the urine culture. Among these bacteriological positive patients 15 patients had a negative results or less than 160 titer of vidal reaction. 11) The initial vidal test of the total group showed a counts of 160 titer or more in 60.4% and less than 160 titer in 39.6%, 12) W. B. C. Counts in the uncomplicated group indicated that 32.5% were 6,000/㎣ or less, 47.5% were between 6,000 and 10,000, arid 20.0% were 10,000/㎣ or more. In the complicated group, 37.6% were 6,000/㎣ or less, 25,0% were 6,000-10,000/㎣ and 37.6% were 10,000/㎣ or more. 13) Duration of hospital stay of the patients averaged 6.4 days in the uncomplicated group and 12.7 days in the complicated group. 14) Subdiaphragmatic free air simple X-ray was found in 91.7% of the perforated cases. 15) Duration of antibiotic therapy until an febrile state was attained averaged 4.8 days in the uncomplicated group and 6.5 days in the complicated group. 16) Operative procedures were as follows: one layer simple closure of their perforation with or without debasement in 56.3%, drainage only in 6.3%, small bowel resection with primary anastomosis in 18.8% , externalization in 6.3%, cholecystectomy in 6.3%, The clinical findings of this study suggest the following recommendations. According to Top's report; 1% of typhoid fever patients treated with chlorarnphenicol and 2% of patients treated with other drugs become chronic carriers. Therefore, importance should be given to the strict control of these carriers. Immunization, improvement of sanitation and living standards are all needed for the prevention and treatment of disease, but a more serious problem is a lack of knowledge on the part of patients and their families. Thus it is most urgent to enlighten the citizens about the transmission and hygiene related to contagious disease. Legal restriction of sale of antibiotics at drug stores without a physician's prescription is an urgent matter for public health administrators. An even more important nursing responsibility is the reemphasis on health education both in the clinical setting and in the home.

• Toxicological Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.343-357
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• 1992

Tumor necrosis factor-${\alpha}$(TNF), a polypeptide hormone secreted primarily by activated macrophages, was originally identified on the basis of its ability to cause hemorrhagic necrosis and tumor regression in vivo. Subsequently, TNF has been shown to be an important component of the host responses to infection and cancer and may mediate the wasting syndrome known as cachexia. These systemic actions of TNF are reflected in its diverse effects on target cells in vitro. TNF initiates its diverse cellular actions by binding to specific cell surface receptors. Although TNF receptors have been identified on most of animal cells, regulation of these receptors and the mechanisms which transduce TNF receptor binding into cellular responses are not well understood. Therefore, in the present study, the mechanisms how TNF receptors are being regulated and how TNF receptor binding is being transduced into cellular responses were investigated in rat liver plasma membranes (PM) and ME-180 human cervical carcinoma cell lines. $^{125}I$-TNF bound to high ($K_d=1.51{\pm}0.35nM$)affinity receptors in rat liver PM. Solubilization of PM with 1% Triton X-100 increased both high affinity (from $0.33{\pm}0.04\;to\;1.67{\pm}0.05$ pmoles/mg protein) and low affinity (from $1.92{\pm}0.16\;to\;7.57{\pm}0.50$ pmoles/mg protein) TNF binding without affecting the affinities for TNF, suggesting the presence of a large latent pool of TNF receptors. Affinity labeling of receptors whether from PM or solubilized PM resulted in cross-linking of $^{125}I$-TNF into $M_r$ 130 kDa, 90 kDa and 66kDa complexes. Thus, the properties of the latent TNF receptors were similar to those initially accessible to TNF. To determine if exposure of latent receptors is regulated by TNF, $^{125}I$-TNF binding to control and TNF-pretreated membranes were assayed. Specific binding was increased by pretreatment with TNF (P<0.05), demonstrating that hepatic PM contains latent TNF receptors whose exposure is promoted by TNF. Homologous up-regulation of TNF receptors may, in part, be responsible for sustained hepatic responsiveness during chronic exposure to TNF. As a next step, the post-receptor events induced by TNF were examined. Although the signal transduction pathways for TNF have not been delineated clearly, the actions of many other hormones are mediated by the reversible phosphorylation of specific enzymes or target proteins. The present study demonstrated that TNF induces phosphorylation of 28 kDa protein (p28). Two dimensional soidum dodecyl sulfate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis(SDS-PAGE) resolved the 28kDa phosphoprotein into two isoforms having pIs of 6.2 and 6.1. The pIs and relative molecular weight of p28 were consistent with those of a previously characterized mRNA cap binding protein. mRNA cap binding proteins are a class of translation initiation factors that recognize the 7-methylguanosine cap structure found on the 5' end of eukaryotic mRNAs. In vitro, these proteins are defined by their specific elution from affinity columns composed of 7-methylguanosine 5'-triphosphate($m^7$GTP)-Sepharose. Affinity purification of mRNA cap binding proteins from control and TNF treated ME-180 cells proved that TNF rapidly stimulates phosphorylation of an mRNA cap binding protein. Phosphorylation occurred in several cell types that are important in vitro models of TNF action. The mRNA cap binding protein phosphorylated in response to TNF treatment was purifice, sequenced, and identified as the proto-oncogene product eukaryotic initiation factor-4E(eIF-4E). These data show that phosphorylation of a key component of the cellular translational machinery is a common early event in the diverse cellular actions of TNF.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.509-547
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• 2019

The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.52-64
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• 2015

This research traced the characteristics of the semantic landscape, construction intent, landscape composition, and geomantic conditions of the area subject to the research based on the research methods of 'field investigation, document studies, and interviews,' centering around the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion (Jeonnam Tangible Cultural Assets No. 160). The result of the research, specifically revealing the forms and methods by which the reciprocal view of nature and landscape composition appearing in the landscape of the entire area of Hamheo-pavilion, as part of the analysis and interpretation over the view-based construction characteristics and position of the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion, can be summarized as follows. First, Hamheo-pavilion is a pavilion built as a resting area and as a venue for educational activities in 1543 in the nearby areas after Gwang-hyeon Sim founded Gunjichon-jeongsa for educational activities and dwelling purposes at Gunchon at the 30th year of King Jungjong. Gunchon, where Hamheo-pavilion and Gunjichon-jeongsa is located, exhibits the typical form having water in the front, facing Sunja-river(present Seomjin-river), and a mountain in the back side. Dongak-mountain, which is a guardian mountain, is in a snail-type form where cows leisurely ruminate and lie on the riverside, and the Hamheo-pavilion area is said to be an area bordering on one's way of enjoying peace and richness as it is a place with plentiful grass bushes available for cows to ruminate and lie down while sheppards may leisurely play their flutes at the riverside. The back hill of Hamheo-pavilion is a blood vessel that enters the water into the underwater palace of the turtle, and the building sitting on the turtle's back is Hamheo-pavilion, and the Guam-jodae(龜巖釣臺) and lava on the southern side below the cliff can be interpreted to be the underwater fairly land wanted by the turtle.6) Second, Hamheo-pavilion is the scenery viewpoint of Sungang-Cheongpung (3rd Scenery) and Seolsan-Nakjo(雪山落照, 9th Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Gokseong, while also the scenery viewpoint of Hamheo-Sunja(2nd Scenery) and Cheonma-Gwiam(天馬歸岩, 3rd Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Ipmyeon. On the other hand, the pavilion is reproduced through the aesthetics of bends through sensible penetration and transcendental landscape viewed based on the Confucian-topos and ethics as the four bends among the five bends of Sunja-river arranged in the 'Santaegeuk(山太極) and Sutaeguek(水太極, formation of the yin-yang symbol by the mountain and water)' form, which is alike the connection of yin and yang. In particular, when based on the description over Mujinjeong (3rd Bend), Hoyeonjeong(4th Bend), andHapgangjeong(2nd Bend) among the five bends of Sunja-river in the records of Bibyeonsainbangan-jido(duringthe 18th century) and Okgwahyeonji(1788), the scenery of the five bends of Sunja-river allow to glimpse into its reputation as an attraction-type connected scenery in the latter period of the Joseon era, instead of only being perceived of its place identity embracing the fairyland world by crossing in and out of the world of this world and nirvana. Third, Hamheo-pavilion, which exhibits exquisite aesthetics of vacancy, is where the 'forest landscape composed of old big trees such as oak trees, oriental oak trees, and pine trees,' 'rock landscape such as Guam-jodae, lava, and layered rocks' and 'cultural landscape of Gunchon village' is spread close by. In the middle, it has a mountain scenery composed of Sunja-river, Masan-peak, and Gori-peak, and it is a place where the scenery by Gori-peak, Masan-peak, Mudeung-mountain, and Seol-mountain is spread and open in $180^{\circ}$ from the east to west. Mangseo-jae, the sarangchae (men's room)of Gunjichon-jeongsa, means a 'house observing Seoseok-mountain,' which has realized the diverse view-oriented intent, such as by allowing to look up Seol-mountain or Mudeung-mountain, which are back mountains behind the front mountain, through landscape configuration. Fourth, the private home, place for educational activities, pavilion, memorial room, and graveyard of Gunji-village, where the existence and ideal is connected, is a semantic connected scenery relating to the life cycle of the gentry linking 'formation - abundance - transcendence - regression.' In particular, based on the fact that the descriptions over reciprocal views of nature regarding an easy and comfortable life and appreciations for a picturesque scene of the areas nearby Sunja-river composes most of the poetic phrases relating to Hamheo-pavilion, it can be known that Hamheo-pavilion is expressed as the key to the idea of 'understanding how to be satisfied while maintaining one's positon with a comfortable mind' and 'returning to nature,' while also being expressed of its pedantic character as a place for reclusion for training one's mind and training others through metaphysical semantic scenery.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.