• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.147-168
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• 2006

This study attempts to evaluate the Korean terrestrial television networks‘ internet site effectiveness, specifically in addressing user motivations and user evaluations and in gauging the broadcasters' feedback. The result shows that the primary motive for using a broadcaster's internet homepage was to obtain information. Overall, the users tended to be dissatisfied with the services, especially with regards to its navigational structure and design and with the insufficient number of appropriate content items. The reason cited highest for dissatisfaction was the fee-based services. Among the three networks, Seoul Broadcasting System, the sole commercial network, received the most complaints from the respondents in this respect. The study results reveal that broadcasters' feedback systems to users were deemed responsive and timely, but a true interactivity between the broadcasters and the viewers was lacking. In conclusion, network televisions' internet sites and increased content access through them have provided a platform for increased communication with their viewers, however, these sites are not yet being fully utilized as effective interactive communication feedback channels but more as a unidirectional information source. In addition, the network television services seem to be lacking in providing users with efficient navigational structure, good design, or adequate content level and quality. Thus, to better serve the public, it is recommended that they improve internet homepage usability by assessing and applying qualitative researches regarding the users.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.295-332
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• 2006

This study inquires at behavior and attitude of gatekeepers at major Korean media in the process of selecting and covering newsmakers, with focusing on factors, paths and practices in making news on the people. The study assumes that gatekeepers' social networking process with social elites, based on birth places, alma mater and kinship, plays great role in making people in the news. The study applies methods of in-depth interviews with people-page gatekeepers and content analysis of news on newsmakers. The in-depth interviews and content analysis unveil that people-page gatekeepers tend to support high society and social elite group. Furthermore, through the process of news-making, the gatekeeper group shares social capital such as economic exchanges and socio-political influences with social elite group. The result of interviews and analysis confirm that social networking based on personal affiliation plays as an important factor in selecting and covering newsmakers. With in-depth analysis of news contents, the study finds out that social elite groups of top government officials, corporate CEOs, medical doctors, lawyers, judges, prosecutors, college professors, cultural celebrities and journalists, who are predominantly male, appear on people pages much frequently out of proportion. The content analysis also reveal that 'personal news,' which cover personal and private life or unilaterally promote newsmakers predominate in terms of frequency and amount over socially-important or pubic-interested 'public news.' In terms of news values, fragmentary news composed of sensational, personal and gossiping elements appear more frequently than socially-meaningful news with strong social issues and public messages.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.291-326
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• 2004

This study explores the process within which whereas the majority of Korean people agree on the principle of the unification policy, the opinions about the concrete policy alternatives related to the principle do not converge. To account for this phenomenon, a.k.a. 'the principle-policy puzzle in public opinion', this study constructs and tests a covariance structural model with the explanatory variables such as political knowledge, political ideology, authoritarian personality, social distance, and the evaluation of the president. In addition, the interaction effects of the interpretive frames regarding the unification policy and political knowledge along with the main effects of socio-demographic variables are tested to explain the degree to which people show the gap between the agreements on the unification principle and policy alternatives. A sample of 600 Seoul people are recruited to provide the data for the analysis of structural equation modeling. Ie was found that the proposed model receives empirical supports from the data. In particular, political knowledge and authoritarian personality play key roles in accounting for the complex process of public opinion in the 'principle-policy puzzle'. The findings were discussed in terms of the representations of the Engagement policy in the mass media and the public perception of them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.111-136
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• 2016

This paper focuses on the national "flagging" as a current affair, important phenomenon. National flags, it sees, take over varous places, control the surrounding space, and even dictate everybody's perspective by being visualized everywhere anytime. It investigates the issue of national flags and their hoisting poles as a sort of apparatuses that interpellate me as well as us into patriotic 'gookmin'. The placement, arrangement of national flag poles around the country continued throughout 2015 and particularly speeded up in October of the year is regarded as a key symbolic, symptomatic sign to read the transformation of political conjuncture. Preparing a radically conjuncturist cultural study about the changing reality, the researcher will see the flagging poles as a phenomenal result, outcoming of certain intent and plan for reconstructing the political actuality. More precisely, he will interpretate the tall omni-present poles of national flags as a dispositif of appearing the neoliberal/neoconservative capitalist state, as a apparatus of constituting and expressing the masses' psycho-ideological condition of today. The researcher, who perceives the national flag poles as a kind of ISAs. will first review the increased flagging phenomenon and related media discourses. Next, he will critically investigate the 'love our country' 'national flagging' movements organized by the above and operated from the bottom. Then, he will focus more on the very tall national flag poles built and seen around the country. Finally, he will conclude the study with a critical remark, touching briefly the case of controversy over setting a pole in the center of Seoul city square.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.7-39
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• 2007

This study tried to revaluate the Erasure of Japanese National Flag in Dong-A Ilbo. In spite of its historical significance, this event was not explored thoroughly by researchers. While it was known as Chosunjoongang-Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag earlier than Dong-A Ilbo on August 13 1936, but this study found out that Dong-A Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag in the local morning edition of the same day. With the victory of Kijeong Son in the Berlin Olympic Marathon the nationalistic coverage of Dong-A Ilbo seemed to be revived. And this change caused the severe suppression by the colonial Japanese government. The government intended to eliminate the influences of Seongsu Kim and Jinwoo Song to make Dong-A Ilbo more cooperative partner. But because the intention of the government was not acceptable to two men, Dong-A Ilbo posed a noncooperative stance. This resulted in the longest suspension over 9 months. Finally with the change of stance to a compromising one, Dong-A Ilbo could be released from the longest suspension on June 3rd, 1937.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.106-129
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• 2012

Social Network Service(SNS), which are an emerging form of political architecture, have been a political means to promote civic engagement and shape pubic opinions on social issues. Along with the influence of SNSs, the governmental control on the dissemination of information over SNSs has increased more and more. It would be ideal if the autonomous governance regulates SNSs which facilitate the networks of the dispersed people. It is the fact, though, that compulsory regulations under which the government controls impose policy and legal restrictions on political expressions. The current study addresses expressive and participatory nature embedded in technological characteristics of SNSs and discusses the problems of content regulations of political expression over SNSs. First of all, it is analyzed that light touch regulation or light touch monitoring should be applied to regulating content on SNSs, particularly political expressions. Constitutional Court proclaimed that legal restrictions on the Internet could infringe basic rights of the people and thus under unambiguous standards, the Doctrine of Clear and Present Danger should be applied to its content. Second, it is found that clarifying the definition of illegality in the application of legal restrictions is necessary to minimize the excessive misleading. Third, it is required that Korea Communications Standards Commission under the government control needs to change in determining the scope of illegal information. In a domestic level, there needs to be safeguards for the protection of the self-regulatory organization such as KISO to guarantee voluntary and autonomous regulatory practices.