• Title/Summary/Keyword: Maritime territory

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Effects of off-shore plant operating condition on fish distribution (해양플랜트 작업환경이 어류분포에 미치는 영향)

  • YOUN, Sung-Oh;KIM, Hyung-seok;RYU, Kyung-Jin;LEE, Yoo-Won
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.413-422
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    • 2017
  • The objective of this study was to prove possible effects of a habitable place for fish around semi-submersible drilling rig which measured underwater radiated noise, irradiance distribution of rig's light and conducted experimental fishing in Malaysia territory and observed for distribution of fishes around the rig by ROV during drilling operation in the East Sea of Korea. As a result underwater radiated noise was $130dB/{\mu}Pa$ from 156.25 to 187.50 Hz, irradiance distribution of light was between 21.5 and 43.1 lx. Despite this result, underwater radiated noise was not a threat to fish around rig and low irradiance distribution of light also played a role in the luring influence of the fishes at night. Fish showed up in the beginning of drilling operation and at the end of drilling operation. However, there are few fish in the midst of drilling operation. The main reason for this result was the destruction of the habitable place due to blow out mud and broken pieces of ground formation in drilling hole. The results are expected to contribute to reasonable fishery management around rig.

International Legal Measures of Protection of Critical Infrastructure Facilities in Banking Sphere

  • Oleg, Batiuk;Oleg, Novikov;Oleksandr, Komisarov;Natalia, Benkovska;Nina, Anishchuk
    • International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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    • v.22 no.10
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    • pp.145-154
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    • 2022
  • Based on the obtained results of the study, the most problematic issues and legal conflicts are identified, which are related to the ratio of norms of domestic and foreign legislation, taking into account the requirements of the Constitution of Ukraine and the provisions of the Law of Ukraine "On international agreements". Along with this, it is stated in this scientific article that there are a number of provisions and examples of positive practice on the specified topic abroad and in international legal acts today, which should be used by Ukraine both in improving legislation on the issues of banking activity and in increasing the level of criminal legal protection of relevant critical infrastructure facilities, especially those that are substantively related to prevention and counteraction of activity, with regard to the legalization (laundering) of criminally obtained funds, financing of terrorism and the financing of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which is quite relevant for our state, given the military conflict that is taking place on its territory in the Donbass. Again, in the same context, the need for more active cooperation between Ukraine and the FATF (international body developing a policy to combat money laundering) has been proven.

Current Issues between Korean & Japan : Dokdo and Historical Distortion in Japanese Textbooks (한·일 간의 현안 : 독도와 일본 교과서의 역사왜곡)

  • Kim, Joo-Sik
    • Strategy21
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    • s.31
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    • pp.190-219
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    • 2013
  • Since Korea and Japan established diplomatic relationship, Relationship between Korea and Japan has not been easygoing. There are two most explosive, and noticeable ones among topics which have affected the relationship ; Dokdo and Historical Distortion. Without these issues, relationship between two countries will take a turn for the better. However, unfortunately, it seems that it is almost never going to happen. There is the Japanese conservative right-wing who has an influence on those two issues. The right-wing takes regard getting negative view or finding out dark past as an action from Self-torture view of history, and tries to dilute the Japanese sense of guilt on past invasions to neighbor countries. Moreover, to become a "normal country", they are trying to revise Constitution of the Japan so that Japan can possess the military and re-arm, dispatch troops abroad, and get the right to break the war. In other words, they expect Japan to become a powerful nation with great influence on Asia and world, as the period in which Japan conquered Korean peninsula, China, and South-Eastern nations. Japan still harbours secret romanticism for bygone days of imperialist glory. That is why neighbors want to never make the painful history happen again. In order to deal with this effort, most of all, it is required to assert better argument with a careful, thorough analysis on Japanese opinion about Dokdo. There might be a hidden card which can be accepted in the international society considering Japanese persistent effort to make Dokdo disputed area, and that is why we have to know that it is. In addition, it is needed to secure a high-quality professional manpower because the issues of Dokdo and Historical Distortion are primarily the matter of logic and references. The professional manpower should have open-minded to break down walls of their own majors. We have to introduce our achievements and stances to the international society vigorously. As a definite way to solve these problems, we have to develop national power. We have to possess naval forces and coast guard to protect our territory and Koreans overseas. There are not many options Korea can do to Japan, except protesting denunciation, and pressing a joint efforts. Most of the suggestions stated before are what have to be conducted domestically. It is a miserable condition, because two problems are Japanese domestic issues, but they become international issues and we have to seek a solution for ourselves.

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Discussion on the Strategic Priorities and Navy's Coping in the Interwar Period Britain, 1919?1939 (「전간기 영국의 전략 우선순위 논의와 영국해군의 대응, 1919-1939」)

  • Jeon, Yoon-Jae
    • Strategy21
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    • s.32
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    • pp.123-159
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this research paper is to re-valuate the factors that affected the Royal Navy's rearmament and preparation for war by conducting analysis on the discussion held in the Britain on the strategic priorities and Navy's coping measures adopted during the interwar period. After the end of the WWI, each of the military arms of the Britain faced significant difficulty in securing budget and increasing their military power all throughout the interwar period, and the Navy was not an exception. The WWII that got started on September 1939 was the turning point in which this difficulty led to full-fledged crisis. Immensely many criticisms followed after the war and problems were identified when it comes to the Royal Navy's performance during the war. This type of effort to identify problem led to the attempt to analyze whether Royal Navy's preparation for war and rearmament policy during interwar period were adequate, and to identify the root causes of failure. Existing studies sought to find the root cause of failed rearmament from external factors such as the deterioration of the Britain itself or pressure from the Treasury Department to cut the budget for national defense, or sought to detect problems from the development of wrong strategies by the Navy. However, Royal Navy's failed preparation for the war during interwar period is not the result of one or two separate factors. Instead, it resulted due to the diverse factors and situations that the Britain was facing at the time, and due to intricate and complex interaction of these factors. Meanwhile, this research paper focused on the context characterized by 'strategic selection and setting up of priorities' among the various factors to conduct analysis on the Navy's rearmament by linking it with the discussion held at the time on setting up strategic priorities, and sought to demonstrate that the Navy Department's inadequate counter-measures developed during this process waned Royal Navy's position. After the end of WWI, each of the military arms continued to compete for the limited resources and budget all throughout the interwar period, and this type of competition amidst the situation in which the economic situation of Britain was still unstable, made prioritization when it comes to the allocation of resources and setting up of the priorities when it comes to the military power build-up, inevitable. Amidst this situation, the RAF was able to secure resources first and foremost, encouraged by the conviction of some politicians who were affected by the 'theory of aerial threat' and who believed that curtailing potential attack with the Air Force would be means to secure national security at comparatively lower cost. In response, Navy successfully defended the need for the existence of Navy despite the advancement of the aerial power, by emphasizing that the Britain's livelihood depends on trade and on the maintenance of maritime traffic. Despite this counter-measuring logic, however, Navy's role was still limited to the defense of overseas territory and to the fleet run-off instead of sea traffic route production when it comes to the specific power build-up plan, and did not understand the situation in which financial and economic factors gained greater importance when it comes to the setting up of strategic priorities. As a result, Navy's plan to build its powers was met with continual resistance of the Treasury Department, and lost the opportunity to re-gain the status of 'senior service' that it had enjoyed in the past during the competition for strategic prioritization. Given that the strategic and economic situation that Korea faces today is not very different from that of the Britain during the interwar period, our Navy too should leverage the lessons learned from the Royal Navy to make the effort to secure viable position when it comes to the setting of priorities in case of national defense strategy by presenting the basis on why maritime coping should be prioritized among the numerous other threats, and by developing the measures for securing the powers needed effectively amidst the limited resources.

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Chinese Maritime Dispute Strategy for territorialization in Korea's West Sea (중국의 한국 서해 내해화 전략 분석)

  • Lee, Eunsu;Shin, Jin
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.113-136
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    • 2022
  • China has been pushing for a systematic strategy for territorialization over a long period of time to invade Korea's West Sea (Yellow Sea) in order to create China's territorial water. China's strategy for territorializing the West Sea is an activity in which China curbs the use of South Korea and enforces the illegal use of China in order to dominate the West Sea exclusively. China aided Chinese fishing boats that engaged in illegal fishing in Korea's jurisdiction as a means to territorialize the West Sea, and is opposed to combined exercise and training of Korea and the United States Naval Forces in the West Sea, while intentionally entering KADIZ(Korea Air Defense Identification Zone). In addition, Beijing used 'scientific exploration and research' measures as a pretext for its strategies in order to encroach on Korea's West Sea. China is carrying out such work to announce to the world that China is a systematic and organized country while consistently attempting to dominate the West Sea. China's activities in the West Sea seriously infringe South Korea's sovereignty. In order to respond to China's strategies of territorialization in the West Sea stated above, I analyzed the rejection effect of the ROK-US combined military training in the West Sea and presented a 'proportional response strategy centered on the ROK-US combined forces'. Korea should be able to respond proportionally to China's activities in the seas around the Korean peninsula, and Korea should be able to neutralize China's attempt to a Fait Accompli. In addition, just as China installs buoys in the Korea-China Provisional Measures Zone, Korea should be able to install and actively utilize some devices in the West Sea and for the use of free and open West Sea. Korea should not just wait for the tragic future to come without preparing for China's gradual and long-term strategy, and Seoul needs to respond to China's maritime policy in the West Sea with a more active attitude than it is now. China has historically taken a bold and aggressive response to neighboring countries that are consistent with a passive attitude, on the other hand, Beijing has taken a cautious approach to neighboring countries that respond with an active attitude. It should not be forgotten that Korea's passive response to the Chinese strategy in the name of a 'realistic approach' such as Korea's economic dependence on China for economy will result in China's success for territorialization of the West Sea.

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A Proposition on Reasonable Termination Procedure in Remaining-oil Recovery Work from a Sunken Tanker in Korean Territory (국내 침몰유조선 잔존유 회수작업의 합리적 종료절차 제안)

  • Kang, Kwang-Gu;Shim, Yoo-Taek;Kang, Sin-Young
    • Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.379-384
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    • 2014
  • In case of sunken tankers, remaining-oil recovery operation should be conducted due to possible oil spill accident. However, the deep sea operation make difficulties in checking the completion of remaining oil recovery process, therefore the work termination procedure is very important. In this paper, a reasonable work termination procedure through the comparison and analysis of two cases(Youil No.1 and Osung No.3, Kyung-Shin) which were performed in different method, using disparate equipment. By investigating previously applied methods and techniques, work speed, safety and expenses were compared. The proposed ending procedure of the remaining-oil recovery project is to recover the remaining oil from each cargo tanks and to clean up such tanks whilst an independent surveyor proceeds to a confirmation procedure whereby said surveyor checks out whether any remaining oil exists by putting a stick in each cleaned up tanks and opening up the hatch cover of the tanks or the top place of the tanks to confirm the cleanness of oil. Such procedure shall be done through discussion by the ordering party, contractor and the independent surveyor all together with a flexible application.

A Study on the Development items of Korean Marine GIS Software Based on S-100 Universal Hydrographic Standard (S-100 표준 기반 해양 GIS 소프트웨어 국산화 개발 방향에 관한 연구)

  • LEE, Sang-Min;CHOI, Tae-Seok;KIM, Jae-Myung;CHOI, Yun-Soo
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.17-28
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    • 2022
  • This study is to develop the direction of the development of the next-generation mapping of marine information required to develop a base of the utilization localization of maritime production tools. The GIS data-processing products and technologies currently used in the Korea's marine sector depend on external applications which is renewal costs, technical updates, and unreflected characteristics. Meanwhile, the S-100 standard, the next generation hydrographic data model that complements S-57's problems in marine GIS data processing, was adopted as a new marine data standard. This study aims to present the current status and problems of marine GIS technology in Korea and to suggest the development direction of GIS software based on the next generation hydrogrphic data model S-100 standard of IHO(International Hydrographic Organization). S-100-based marine GIS localization technology development and industrial ecosystem development research is expected to scientific decision-making on policy issues that occur with other countries such as marine territory management and development and use of marine resources.

The Status of North Korean Airspace after Reunification (북한 공역의 통일 후 지위)

  • Kwon, Chang-Young
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.287-325
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    • 2017
  • Considering the development of aerospace, military science and technology since the 20th century, the sky is very important for the nation's existence and prosperity. The proverb "Whosoever commands the space commands the world itself!" emphasizes the need for the command of the air. This essay is the first study on the status of airspace after reunification. First, the territorial airspace is over the territory and territorial sea, and its horizontal extent is determined by the territorial boundary lines. Acceptance of the present order is most reasonable, rather than attempting to reconfigure through historical truths about border issues, and it could be supported by neighboring countries in the reunification period. For peace in Northeast Asia, the reunified Korea needs to respect the existing border agreement between North Korea and China or Russia. However, the North Korean straight baselines established in the East Sea and the Yellow Sea should be discarded because they are not available under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is desirable for the reunified Korea to redefine the straight baselines that comply with international law and determine the territorial waters up to and including the 12-nautical mile outside it. Second, the Flight Information Region (hereinafter "FIR") is a region defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter "ICAO") in order to provide information necessary for the safe and efficient flight of aircraft and the search and rescue of aircraft. At present, Korea is divided into Incheon FIR which is under the jurisdiction of South Korea and Pyongyang FIR which is under the jurisdiction of North Korea. If North Korea can not temporarily exercise control of Pyongyang FIR due to a sudden change of circumstances, it is desirable for South Korea to exercise control of Pyongyang FIR, and if it is unavoidable, ICAO should temporarily exercise it. In reunified Korea, it is desirable to abolish Pyongyang FIR and integrate it into Incheon FIR with the approval of ICAO, considering systematic management and control of FIR, establishment of route, and efficiency of management. Third, the Air Defense Identification Zone (hereinafter "ADIZ") is a zone that requires easy identification, positioning, and control of aircraft for national security purposes, and is set up unilaterally by the country concerned. The US unilaterally established the Korea Air Defense Identification Area (KADIZ) by the Declaration of Commitment on March 22, 1951. The Ministry of Defense proclaimed a new KADIZ which extended to the area including IEODO on December 13, 2013. At present, North Korea's military warning zone is set only at maritime boundaries such as the East Sea and the Yellow Sea. But in view of its lack of function as ADIZ in relations with China and Russia, the reunified Korea has no obligation to succeed it. Since the depth of the Korean peninsula is short, it is necessary to set ADIZ boundary on the outskirts of the territorial airspace to achieve the original purpose of ADIZ. Therefore, KADIZ of the reunified Korea should be newly established by the boundary line that coincides with the Incheon FIR of the reunified Korea. However, if there is no buffer zone overlapping with or adjacent to the ADIZs of neighboring countries, military tensions may rise. Therefore, through bilateral negotiations for peace in Northeast Asia, a buffer zone is established between adjacent ADIZs.

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The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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