• 제목/요약/키워드: Maritime security cooperation

검색결과 60건 처리시간 0.02초

한국의 『인도-태평양 전략』 지원을 위한 해군의 역할·발전방안 고찰 (Tasks and Development plan of R.O.K. Navy to support Korean government's 『Indo-Pacific Strategy』)

  • 지영
    • 해양안보
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.83-107
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    • 2023
  • 인도-태평양 국가인 대한민국에게 이 지역의 안정과 번영은 국가의 생존과 이익에 직결된다. 현재 인태지역은 미국과 중국의 전략적 경쟁으로 안보환경이 불안정하며, 초국가· 비전통적 위협도 상존하고 있어, 소자/다자 간 공동의 대응을 요구하고 있다. 이에 따라 미국, 일본, ASEAN 및 역외의 EU, NATO까지 자체 인태전략을 발표하며, 이 지역 현안에 개입하고자 노력 중이다. 한국도 2022년 12월 28일, 독자적인 인태전략을 공개하였는데, 이는 이전 신남방정책의 균형외교(전략적 모호성)를 벗어나, 광범위한 인태지역의 현안에 적극적으로 개입·기여하겠다는 의미로 받아들여진다. 이제 해군은 정부의 인태전략을 뒷받침하기 위해 준비해야 한다. 첫째, 역내 안보현안 관련 소자/다자 간 군사협력을 강화하고, 둘째, 이 협력의 메시지를 전파하기 위해 해군력 현시, 연합훈련 등 실제 전력을 운용하여 잠재적 위협에 대해 거부적 억제를 달성해야 한다. 셋째, 인태지역에 상존하는 초국가·비전통적 위협에 대응하는 한편, 선진국으로 발돋움한 한국의 해군으로서, 개발도상국의 해양력 증강을 지원하는 기여 외교도 실시해야 할 것이다. 이러한 역할을 수행함에 있어, 해군 고유의 작전특성(기동성, 융통성, 지속성, 현시성, 투사성)이 발휘될 것이며, 이를 구현하기 위해 해군 내·외부 작전환경(SWOT)을 분석하고, 발전방안을 제시하였다.

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북극해 일대에서 본격화되기 시작한 강대국 경쟁 (The Return of Great Power Competition to the Arctic)

  • 홍규덕;송승종;권태환;정재호
    • 해양안보
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.151-184
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    • 2021
  • 21세기 최대의 화두 중 하나는 기후이변으로 인한 지구 온난화 현상이다. 지구온난화는 글로벌 생태계를 위협하는 재앙인 동시에, 북극항로의 상용화를 통한 물류비용 절감이나 광물자원 개발 등을 가능케 하는 기회이기도 하다. 지구의 생태·환경 위협과 새로운 경제적 기회가 병존하는 '북극의 역설'이 글로벌 국제환경에 심대한 영향을 미치게 될 것임을 예고한다. 빙하가 사라지면서, 수에즈-파나마 운하를 통과하지 않고 북극해를 통과하는 루트가 '제3의 항로'로 떠올랐다. 이는 기존 항로의 거리를 30% 정도 줄일 수 있다. 아울러 지구 온난화는 지정학적 패러다임의 변화를 몰고왔다. 북극 얼음이 녹아내리기 시작하면서 북극이 '상수'가 아닌 21세기 최대의 지정학적 '변수'로 떠오를 조짐이다. 이에 따라 탈냉전 시대에 들어 '평화와 협력의 공간'으로 인식되던 북극이 군사·안보측면이 강조되는 새로운 전략환경에 직면하고 있다. 냉전종결 이후 한동안 환경보호 등을 중심으로 협력적 모습을 보이던 북극이 다시금 '냉전 2.0'을 예고하며, 강대국들 간의 새로운 경쟁과 대결의 무대로 변모하고 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 북극해의 전략적 가치를 지정학적 및 지경학적 관점에서 평가하고, 북극 일대에서 벌어지는 신냉전 다이내믹을 분석함으로써, 이를 바탕으로 우리에게 주는 전략적 함의를 도출해 보는 것이다.

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International Legal Measures of Protection of Critical Infrastructure Facilities in Banking Sphere

  • Oleg, Batiuk;Oleg, Novikov;Oleksandr, Komisarov;Natalia, Benkovska;Nina, Anishchuk
    • International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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    • 제22권10호
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    • pp.145-154
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    • 2022
  • Based on the obtained results of the study, the most problematic issues and legal conflicts are identified, which are related to the ratio of norms of domestic and foreign legislation, taking into account the requirements of the Constitution of Ukraine and the provisions of the Law of Ukraine "On international agreements". Along with this, it is stated in this scientific article that there are a number of provisions and examples of positive practice on the specified topic abroad and in international legal acts today, which should be used by Ukraine both in improving legislation on the issues of banking activity and in increasing the level of criminal legal protection of relevant critical infrastructure facilities, especially those that are substantively related to prevention and counteraction of activity, with regard to the legalization (laundering) of criminally obtained funds, financing of terrorism and the financing of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which is quite relevant for our state, given the military conflict that is taking place on its territory in the Donbass. Again, in the same context, the need for more active cooperation between Ukraine and the FATF (international body developing a policy to combat money laundering) has been proven.

해적행위의 범죄구성요건에 대한 비판적 고찰과 입법 방향 (A Critical Review and Legislative Direction for Criminal Constitution of Piracy)

  • 백상진
    • 법제연구
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    • 제55호
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    • pp.167-191
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    • 2018
  • 국제적 협력에도 불구하고 전 세계 주요해역에서는 여전히 해적행위가 근절되고 있지 않다. 수 출입에 절대적으로 의존하고 있는 우리나라의 입장에서는 안전한 해상교통로 확보는 우리의 생명줄이므로 해상 안전 및 보안에 대하여 사활을 걸어야 할 상황이다. 그렇지만 해적행위의 처벌에 관한 형법은 여전히 미비한 측면이 있어 입법적 고려가 필요하다. 해적을 인류 공동의 적으로 간주하고 있으므로 모든 국가는 자국의 피해여부와 관계없이 해적을 처벌할 수 있다. 국제사회는 이러한 보편적 관할권을 통하여 해상무역과 군사활동의 필수적인 공간인 공해(公害)상에서 해상교통로 안전을 확보하기 위하여 수백 년 전부터 국제적 공조에 박차를 가하고 있으며, 특히 아덴만 해역에서는 소말리아 해적을 단속하기 위하여 선진 각국에서 함대를 파견하여 합동작전으로 해상안보위협에 대처하고 있다. 국제관습법과 UN해양법협약에 따라 해적행위에 대하여 보편적 관할권이 허용되더라도 이를 위한 국내법적 제도가 미완비되어 있거나 국제법규와 상이한 내용으로 규정되어 있을 경우 해적행위에 대하여 효과적으로 대처하기 힘들다. 즉 죄형법정주의에 따라 국제규범에 상응하는 보편적 관할권과 해적죄의 구성요건이 형법에 규정될 필요가 있다. 이러한 작업의 선행 없이 무리하게 우리 형법을 확대 적용하여 해적을 처벌할 경우 세계인권규약이나 기타 국제규범을 위반하여 외교적 분쟁을 초래할 수 있다. 우리나라의 경우 해적을 범죄로 명시적으로 규정하여 처벌하는 규정이 없으며, 다만 형법 및 선박위해처벌법 등에서 해적행위와 유사한 행위를 처벌하고 있다. 그렇지만 국제적으로 통용되고 있는 해적행위를 충분히 포섭하고 있지 않아 실효성 있는 해적처벌에 한계가 있다. 이 논문에서는 해적죄의 구성요건에 대한 여러 제안을 비판적으로 고찰한 후 그 입법방향을 제시하고 있다.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 - (A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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대북 제재 조치 평가 및 전망 (An assessment of sanctions on North Korea and the prospect)

  • 전성훈
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권31호
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    • pp.5-26
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    • 2013
  • The South Korean society has experienced many changes since the sinking of ROKS Cheonan. The government reviewed its defense posture and adopted the 5·24 Measure in its relations with North Korea. As a result, the people of South Korea became more conscious of security situations on the Korean peninsula while North Korea's economy suffered badly. Meanwhile, the South Korean government has taken a flexible stance toward North Korea in terms of exchange and cooperation since September 2011. The flexible stance was to manage inter-Korea relations in a stable manner and relieve the hardships of the North Korean people while preserving the spirits and purposes of the 5·24 Measure. The UN Security Council adopted twenty-six resolutions and statements on North Korea since June 25, 1950. They include thirteen U.N. Security Council resolutions including those concerning nuclear weapons or missile programs, nine Presidential statements, and four press statements. Resolution 82, the first U.N. resolution on North Korea, came when the Korean War broke out. Resolution 825, the first one related to nuclear or missile programs, was adopted in response to North Korea's withdrawal from the NPT. Apart from these U.N. resolutions, the United States has imposed separate sanctions against North Korea. North Korea's nuclear weapons program can be considered in comparison with that of Iran in terms of the consequences they create for the regional security. The Security Council has adopted six resolutions on Iran so far. One should note that the resolutions on Iran have had much stronger sanctions compared to those imposed on North Korea. That is, while the North Korea case may be viewed as a more serious threat to international security from the perspective of nuclear weapons development or proliferation, tougher sanctions have been placed on Iran. There are two approaches that South Korea should take in addressing the related issues. First, we should aim to reduce the gap between sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It is difficult to understand that a country with more serious problems is rewarded with lighter sanctions. We should take measures through the Security Council Sanctions Committee to make individuals and groups in North Korea that play a central role in developing nuclear weapons and missiles subject to additional sanctions. Second, we have to change. Other countries in the international community have become tired of North Korea's nuclear issue and now they look to South Korea for initiative. We should correctly understand this current situation and play a leading role within our capacity. Knowingly and unknowingly, the notion that the North Korean nuclear issue may be left to South Korea has been spread around the international community. Although the situation is grave, we should try to open a new horizon in ushering in the unification era by taking the initiative with confidence that there is a looming hope ahead of us. For these tasks, we should stop thinking in the old way that has been ossified for the last two decades. We should not be pushed around by neighboring great powers in dealing with North Korea related issues anymore; we should take the initiative with resolution that we will play our role at the center of four great powers and with confidence that we can do it. Based on the confidence that the Republic of Korea has become a country with enough capacity to take the initiative, we should establish a 'National Grand Strategy' representing South Korea's strategic vision that the unification is the ultimate solution to the problems related to North Korea's nuclear weapons program.

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사이버 해운거래소 구축 방안 (Design of The Cyber Shipping Exchange)

  • 최형림;박남규;김현수;박영재;황성원;박용성
    • 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국항해항만학회 2002년도 춘계학술대회논문집
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    • pp.39-51
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    • 2002
  • Online exchange is a cost-effective approach to trade goods and information among multiple sellers and buyers. Shipping industry includes lots of global entities such as shippers, liners, ship owners and shipping agents. Marine insurance companies and ship repairers and many other groups are also supporting the industry. However, international shipping exchanges are located on few cities in the world. Its our motivation that a shipping market can be online so that market participants do the dealing while sitting where they are with more efficient manner, preferable price and larger pool of candidates of trading partners. This paper presents Korean governmental project of building a cyber shipping exchange. The exchange covers ship sale and purchase, charter, insurance, freight futures, repairs, supplying of ships oil and database service. The workflows of each business were analyzed and designed to fit for online environment. The project includes design of trading mechanism, online documents, data flow, data storage and security. Online match making and trading mechanisms such as auction, reverse auction, bid are used. The whole trading process involves multiple organizations and business processes. So, this Paper focuses on how each organization would play their roles so that users can complete transactions with integrated and transparent view. The online exchange selves also as maritime portal site that links to other sites for cooperation vertically or horizontally, and serves database and information in global perspective. This paper also issues and discusses the justification of an online shipping exchange

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국내 MCS 시스템 현황 및 발전 방향 (Survey on the Korean MCS Systems and Development Issues)

  • 김건웅;박계각;최조천
    • 한국정보통신학회논문지
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    • 제13권10호
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    • pp.2019-2029
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    • 2009
  • 해양안전 제고를 위해서 국내에서 운영 중인 MCS(Monitoring, Control and Surveillance) 시스템으로는 AIS(Automatic Identification System)와 LRIT(Long-Range Identification and Tracking) 기술에 기반을 둔 VMS(Vessel Monitoring System)와 RFID(Radio Frequency IDentification) 기술을 활용하고 있는 선박프리패스 시스템, 수협중앙회의 어업정보통신이 있다. 본 논문에서는 각 시스템의 기반 기술 현황을 정리하고, 각 시스템들의 역할과 기능을 비교하며, 각 시스템의 진화 방향과 이들을 유기적으로 연동하기 위해 수행되어야 하는 과제들을 정리하였다.

자율협력주행을 위한 V2X 보안통신의 신뢰성 검증 (Reliability Verification of Secured V2X Communication for Cooperative Automated Driving)

  • 정한균;임기택;신대교;윤상훈;진성근;장수현;곽재민
    • 한국항행학회논문지
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    • 제22권5호
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    • pp.391-399
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    • 2018
  • V2X 통신이란 차량이 유무선망을 통해 다른 차량, 인프라, 네트워크, 보행자 등과 같은 객체들과 정보를 교환하는 기술이다. V2X 통신 기술은 최근 꾸준히 연구되어 왔으며 자율주행 차량 기술과 결합된 자율협력주행 기술에 중요한 역할을 수행해왔다. 자율주행 차량은 V2X 통신을 통해 외부 정보를 수신함으로써 차량 센서의 인식범위를 확장시키고 보다 안전하고 자연스런 자율주행을 지원할 수 있다. 이러한 자율협력주행 차량을 공공도로에서 운행하기 위해서는 V2X 보안통신의 신뢰성이 사전에 검증되어야 한다. 본 논문에서는 자율협력주행을 위한 V2X 보안통신에 대한 테스트 시나리오와 테스트 절차를 제안하고 검증 결과를 제시한다.

우리나라 외교정책과 해양‧수산분야 협력방안에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Maritime and Fisheries Sector for the Implementation of an Diplomacy Strategy)

  • 박성욱;이주아;차정미
    • Ocean and Polar Research
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    • 제45권1호
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    • pp.23-31
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    • 2023
  • The core of the foreign policy of the Yoon Suk-yeol government is the promotion of active economic and security diplomacy as indicated in Policy Tasks No. 98. To this end, economic consultative bodies such as Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement(RCEP), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) are taking the initiative to respond to the formation of supply chain, human rights, environment, and digital-related norms, and actively support Korean companies' overseas expansion. Due to the nature of the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries (MOF) as an organization established centered on the space of the ocean, the MOF faces difficulties in bringing the functions of other ministries into the space of the ocean. Considering the vision, objectives, and detailed plans of the MOF, the contribution of the MOF in the field of active economic security, one of the main foreign policies of the Yoon Suk-yeol government, is perhaps too obvious. However, since the re-launch of the MOF, the ODA budget for the oceans and fisheries sector is too small compared to other ministries, so even if new policy demands are discovered, there are many difficulties in implementing these policies in practice. Recognizing these problems, this paper examines the background and contents of foreign policies that have been promoted for the efficient promotion of RCEP, CPTPP and IPEF and introduces the areas of cooperation in the oceans and fisheries sector in these foreign policies.