• 대한조선학회논문집
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• 제60권6호
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• pp.397-405
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• 2023

As interest in greenhouse gas reduction has increased in all sectors, the discussion of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) to regulate pollution by ships is attracting attention in international shipping. At the 80th IMO MEPC held in July 2023, the 「2023 IMO Strategy for the Reduction of Green House Gases from Ships (MEPC. 377(80))」 was adopted, which included the net-zero target around 2050, and a firm intention to the decarbonization of the international shipping sector showed. In particular, energy, fuel and technology targets for zero or near-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 were added as new targets, and total greenhouse gas emission checkpoints for 2030 and 2040 were added as an indicator for achieving the 2050 target. The IMO's goal setting for 2030, which is about seven years away, will impose a lot of technical, economic, and political burden despite the decarbonization technology of international shipping, which has grown to a significant level in a short period of time. Accordingly, this paper presents the comprehensive impact of the 2023 IMO GHG Strategy on international shipping.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.351-381
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• 2010

Established on February 1st, 2010, The ROKN maritime task flotilla has a goal to successfully cope with North Korea and other potential threats. Unlike precedents of its kind, The ROKN maritime task flotilla is expected to concentrate more an far-sea strategies than coastal strategies. In such circumstances however, the existing maritime logistics systems have limitations upon which to utterly support the operation conception of the ROKN maritime task flotilla seven. To ensure it's efficiency, transformation of the systems is prerequisite. The purpose of this study is to deduce an adequate maritime logistics system for the ROKN maritime task flotilla by evaluating the limitation of the current system and foreseeing its performance necessary abilities to operate in the future. In order to do this, the study presented problems and the direction of development on the structural and behavioral sides. Fist, regarding problems in the structure of maritime logistics system, the investigation pronounced the need of improvement in mobile logistics support ability and its speed. In addition, for the behavioral side, the need of improvement in logistics cooperation system and self-maintenance ability was affirmed. For the development of an adequate maritime logistics system, the study suggested the amelioration in the operation of an adequate mobile logistics support platform and the speed of the logistics using high-speed transportation such as planes for the structural side. Moreover, for the behavioral side, it recommended th enhancement of logistics cooperation system including the nations that already imported th weapon system, amelioration of self-maintenance ability, and necessity to operate mobile maintenance group.

• 한국정보통신학회논문지
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• 제20권8호
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• pp.1596-1606
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• 2016

오늘날 해양은 세계경제를 견인하는 무역의 통로일 뿐만 아니라, 국가를 부강하게 하는 각종 자원의 보고이기도 하다. 최신과학기술의 발전으로 인류의 활동역시 육지에서 해양으로 점점 확대되고 있다. 근래 동아시아 국가들 역시 이러한 해양의 가치를 인식하고 해양에서의 자국의 권익을 경쟁적으로 추구하고 있다. 이로 인해 아시아 해역에 국가 간 분쟁이 고조되고 있다. 반면에 이러한 해양안보문제를 해결할 국제 안보조직이나 수단은 해결해야할 문제의 크기나 복잡성에 비해 대단히 부족하다. 이를 해결하기 위해서는 아시아 국가들이 냉정하게 현실을 직시하고 지혜를 모아 역내 해양안보문제의 범위와 의제들을 재점검해야 한다. 또한 그동안 시행되었던 제반 안보협력의 과정이나 결과도 재평가하여 현재의 해양안보문제를 효율적으로 관리하고 해결해 나가야 한다. 만약 우리가 이러한 문제들을 성공적으로 해결해 낸다면, 현재와 같이 불안한 아시아의 바다는 '평화와 번영의 바다'로 변화될 것이다.

• 해양환경안전학회지
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.319-327
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• 2016

해양안전 및 환경보호를 목적으로 하는 국제해사기구(IMO)의 결의서와 협약은 우리나라의 조선업과 해운업에 직접적인 영향을 끼쳐왔기 때문에 산 학 관 협업으로 IMO 의제를 다루기 위한 전문 기관을 설립할 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 기존의 관련 조직과 기능을 새로운 조직으로 통합함으로써 연구원 40명 규모의 '국제해사협력센터'를 설립하고 한국해양수산개발원에 위탁 운영하는 방안을 제시하였다. 조직 운영에 필요한 예산 규모를 산출하고 민간과 공공부문으로부터 재정확보를 위한 현실성 있는 방안 제시와 함께 조직의 영속성 확보를 위해 해사안전법 개정을 제안하였다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.143-176
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• 2012

We are witnessing the growing maritime tension on the East Asian sea these days. Each naval powers in the region are competing each other to acquire more advanced naval capabilities. Based upon the rapid economic development, China is actively beefing up its naval capabilities and expand its boundary of naval activities all over the East Asian region. Chinese Navy already unveiled its expansive naval strategy replacing the traditional concept of 'Near-Sea Defense' with the new concept of 'Far-Sea Defense' strategy. In response to potential rival's naval build up, the U.S. is redeploying its naval forces focusing on the Asia-Pacific region. The U.S. enhances its joint naval exercises with the countries in the region, such as Japan, India, Australia and so on. In addition, Washington is devising new naval strategy under the concept of 'Air-Sea Battle' to deter Peking's so-called 'Anti-Access/ Area Denial(A2AD)' strategy. As a close ally of the U.S., Japan also disclosed its clear intention to strengthen the Maritime Self Defense Force(MSDF)'s capabilities by introducing the new concept of 'Dynamic Defense Force' in 2011. Under the new concept, JMSDF is pursuing the additional acquisition of submarines, quasi-aircraft carriers, Aegis-equipped destroyers, etc. Under the new president's strong leadership, Russia is also invigorating the naval build-up. Especially, Russia is fortifying the Pacific Fleet's naval assets by deploying new-type of naval ships such as the Mistral which was imported from France. In the midst of competitive naval build-up among the major naval powers in the region, we are observing the growing maritime conflicts on the East China Sea as well as South China Sea. Those naval conflicts can pose severe threats to our national interests. Maritime conflicts on the East or South China Sea can imperil our sea lanes which will be indispensible for national economic development. Neighboring countries' maritime conflicts also will cast an uncertainty on the path to mobilize international cooperation to resolve the North Korean issues. We should contribute to ease the maritime tension in the region by various ways. First, we should actively galvanize the bilateral maritime dialogue among the major naval powers in the region. Second, we also should take the lead to form a multilateral maritime cooperation mechanism in the region. Above all, we should set the aim to be a peaceful maritime power who can contribute to a building of stable maritime order in the region with a considerable naval power.

• 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항해항만학회 2023년도 추계학술대회
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• pp.120-121
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• 2023

최근에 해운산업의 수요와 공급이 지속적으로 일치하지 않으면서 불균형 현상이 이어지고 있다. 이에 따라 해운선사들은 선박의 공급량을 조절하기 위해 블랭크 세일링을 실시하며 수요와 공급의 균형을 맞추고 있다. 블랭크 세일링은 화물 운송을 지연시키는 부정적인 연쇄효과를 발생시키기 때문에 본 연구에서는 포아송 회귀분석을 이용하여

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.193-220
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• 2015

Leaving the legacies of the Cold War and other difficulties behind them, South Korea and China are building up their successful strategic cooperative partnership, moving forward toward through the development of new economic exchanges and diplomatic cooperation between the two countries, and this process is expected to gain momentum during 2015. 2015 is the third year since President Park of South Korea and President Xi of China came into office, and also the first year they have begun to implement the many declarations and promises which they have made within the context of the strategic cooperative partnership. The two nations share a common cultural heritage, and their governments should take this opportunity to leverage their partnership to enhance their economies and to improve their people's quality of life, especially for the younger generation. At a summit held in July 2014, the two leaders agreed to launch a working-level group on maritime boundary delimitation. The first meeting took place on January 29, 2015, and addressed issues of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and continental shelves in the Yellow Sea, which has an area of about 380,000 ㎢. It is greatly to be hoped that the 2015 maritime boundary delimitation meeting between South Korea and China will not impair the future of bilateral relations, but rather will improve their prospects. South Korea and China must take the opportunity to secure a definitive delimitation of their maritime boundary; their strategic cooperative partnership is in good order and China is currently taking a somewhat more flexible stance on the ECS and the SCS, so an agreement on boundaries will serve as a useful model for regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.125-174
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the status of naval arms race in Northeast Asia. To this end, the scope of the research was limited to national security strategies, maritime strategies and naval strengthening of the United States, China, Russia and Japan. The major powers' active maritime strategies and naval arms race give some strategic implications to the Republic of Korea Navy as follows. First, China and Japan, unlike the past, are actively using submarines in offshore waters including the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the ROK Navy must successfully promote the Jangbogo-III-class submarine, which is currently constructed, and get a nuclear-powered submarine and P-8 MPA capable of long-range and long-time operations to enhance ASW capability. Second, North Korea's current building submarines capable of loading SLBMs and SLBMs are a new threat to the ROK Navy. The current building KAMD, which focuses on terminal phase defense, cannot effectively respond to North Korea's SLBMs and should be converted to a multi-layered defense system including SM-3 at a mid-course phase. Third, as China militarizes the South China Sea, the instability of the South China Sea is growing. Therefore, the ROK Navy should strengthen its maritime cooperation with the regional countries such as Japan and ASEAN navies to protect SLOC. In conclusion, the ROK Navy needs to build a strong naval power to keep in mind that the 21st century naval rivalry in Northeast Asia is accelerating. The navy must do one's best to protect national strategic and vital interests by strengthening cooperation with regional countries. South Korea is also accelerating its defense reforms in accordance with the pattern of future warfare and the ROK Navy do one's best to have a balanced naval capability capable of actively operating in the offshore waters.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.250-286
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• 2015

The main purpose of this article is to provide an understanding on current maritime issues in the Northeast Asia, and thereby help formulating the right strategy for our national security. The article summarizes core arguments in the recently published 『The 21^st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia: Dilemma between Competition and Cooperation』. It will help readers to comprehend historical backgrounds as well as recent updates related to maritime issues and strategies in the region. Also, readers may find guidance to conceive their own maritime strategies for the Republic of Korea. Currently, the U.S. is shifting its focus from Atlantic to Pacific, and increasing its naval presence in Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, the 21^st century China views the maritime interests as the top priority in its national security and prosperity. PLA Navy's offensive maritime strategies and naval building such as aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines are unprecedented. Japan is another naval power in the region. During the Cold War JMSDF faithfully fulfilled the mission of deterring Soviet navy, and now it is doing its job against China. Lastly, Putin has been emphasizing to build the strong Russia since 2000, and putting further efforts to reinforce current naval capabilities of Pacific Fleet. The keyword in the naval and maritime relations among these powers can be summarized with "competition and cooperation." The recent security developments in the South China Sea(SCS) clearly represent each state's strategic motivations and movements. China shows clear and strong intention to nationalize the islands in SCS by building artificial facilities - possibly military purpose. Obviously, the U.S. strongly opposes China by insisting the freedom of navigation(FON) in international waters as recent USS-Lassen's FON operation indicate. The conflict between China and the U.S. surrounding the SCS seems to be heading towards climax as Russia and Japan are searching for their own national interests within the conflict. Also, the neighboring small and middle powers are calculating their own economic and security interests. This is no exception for us in establishing timely strategies to maximize our own national security. Hopefully, this article leads the readers to the right direction.

• 해양환경안전학회:학술대회논문집
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• 해양환경안전학회 2017년도 공동학술발표회
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• pp.45-45
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• 2017