• Journal of The Korean Society of Clinical Toxicology
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.83-89
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• 2004

Acute poisoning is one of the diseases which need the most fastest emergency measures at the very beginning. However, at present, The Korea doesn't manage the toxication all over the country, and in particular, there is no guide to medical cure paying due regard to the traits of each area. This paper focused on the issue that the necessary data in preparing the facilities for the treatment of the poisoned patients and materials for medical treatment including antidote would have to be collected, after finding the special features of the symptoms by searching the present conditions of the poisoning in small towns next to farm villages in the North area of Youngseo, Kangwon province. This study was based on the questionnaires from 111 patients who were carried into the emergency room by the poisoning in two university hospitals of the North area of Youngseo, Kangwon, for one year, 2002. Upon investigation, the patients(111) visiting emergency room by the acute poisoning during the research period was found to be 0.37 percent of all patients(30,085) visiting emergency room. Among them, the most high percentage was given in their twenties and thirties at the rate of $39.6\%$, and the ratio($40.5\%$) of the poisoned patients after their fifties was much higher than a research($10\%$) of other areas. Many poisoned patients came to their rescue in an emergency room generally in spring and in winter, from 7 a.m. to 3 p.m. Agricultural chemical of the toxic materials had a majority at a ratio of $57.7\%$, and paraquat of the agricultural chemicals was found to have a lot of toxicity by $31.7\%$. As the trace of the toxication, the oral poisoning was common by $89.2\%$, and $55.9\%$ in the case of operating gastric lavage and nasogastric irrigation, but only $14.4\%$ for prescribing antidote. The mortality of the acute poisoned patients was $17.2\%$, and the toxication by paraquat held a majority. As a result, the acute poisoning of the North area in Youngseo, Kangwon had both of the characteristics of the rural and the city, and the patients over their fifties by the population aging had more attack of the disease than other regions. Also, with the high ratio of the toxication by the agricultural chemicals, especially, the lethal agricultural chemical was used frequently. Therefore, these dangerous situations need to find the ways to cope with.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.331-393
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• 2010

Psychiatrists who treat violent or potentially violent patients may be sue for failure to control aggressive outpatients and for the discharge of violent inpatients. Psychiatrists may be sued for failing to protect society from the violent acts of their patients if it was reasonable for the psychiatrists to have known or should have known about the patient's violent tendencies and if the psychiatrists could have done something that could have safeguarded in public. The courts of a number of jurisdictions have imposed a duty to protect the potential victims of a third party on persons or institutions with a special relationship to that party. In the landmark case of Tarasoff v Regents of University of California, the California Supreme Court held that the special relationship between a psychotherapist and a patient imposes on the therapist a duty to act reasonably to protect the foreseeable victims of the patient. Under Tarasoff, when a therapist has determined, or under applicable professional standards should determine, that a patient poses a serious threat of violence to another, he incurs an obligation to use reasonable care to protect the intended victim against such danger. In addition to a Tarasoff type of action based on a duty to warn or protect foreseeable victims of psychiatric outpatients, courts have also imposed liability on mental health care providers based on their custody of patients known to have violent propensities. The legal duty in such a case has been stated to be that where the course of treatment of a mental patient involves an exercise of "control" over him by a physician who knows or should know that the patient is likely to cause bodily harm to others, an independent duty arises from that relationship and falls on the physician to exercise that control with such reasonable care as to prevent harm to others at the hands of the patient. After going through a period of transition, from McIntosh, Thompson and Brady case, finally, the narrow rule of requiring a specific or foreseeable threat of violence against a specific or identifiable victim is the standard threshold or trigger element in the majority of states. Judgements on these kinds of cases are not enough yet in Korea, so that it may be too early to try find principles in these cases, however it is hardly wrong to read the same reasons of Tarasoff in the judgements of Korea district courts. To specific, whether a psychiatric institute was liable for violent behavior toward others depends upon the patients conditions, circumstances and the extent of the danger the patients poses to others; in short, the foreseeability of a specific or identifiable victim. In this context if a patient exhibit strong violent behavior toward others, constant observation should be required. Negligence has been found not exist, however, when a patient abruptly and unexpectedly attack others or unidentifiable victim. And the standard of conduct that is required to meet the obligation of "due care" is based on what the "reasonable practitioner" would do in like circumstances. The standard is not one of excellence or superior practice; it only requires that the physician exercise that degree of skill and care that would be expected of the average qualified practitioner practicing under like circumstances. All these principles have been established in cases of the U.S.A and Japan. In this article you can find the reasons which you can use for psychotherapist's liability for failure to protect third person in Korea as practitioner.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.33-56
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• 2006

The cultural debates between conservatives and liberals at the end of the 1980s and in the early 1990s were termed as "culture wars." The "culture wars" involved a diverse range of controversial issues, such as the introduction of multicultural curricula in educational institutions, prayers in schools, whether to allow gays to serve openly in the military, and whether abortion should be permitted. The most heated debates of the "culture wars" regarding art raged over the NEA and the question of whether Andres Serrano's works should have been publicly funded, in addition to the exhibition "Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment" which were charged as projecting "obscene" or "blasphemous" images. This paper examines the development of culture wars in art and focuses on several issues invoked by the NEA debates. However, it is not a detailed chronological investigation. Rather it pays attention to the several phases of the debates, analyzing and criticizing the clashes of the political and esthetical points of views between conservatives and liberals. How could NEA funding, a mere fraction of the federal budget, have become so critical for both sides(conservative and liberal), for politicians and artists' groups, and for academics and the general public? The art community was astounded by this chain of events; artists personally reviled, exhibitions withdrawn and under attack, the NEA budget threatened, all because of a few images. For conservative politicians, the NEA debate was not only a battle over the public funding of art, but a war over a larger social agenda, a war for "American values and cultures"based on the family, Christianity, the English language, and patriarchy. Conservative politicians argued the question was not one of "censorship" but of "sponsorship," since the NEA charter committed it to "helping museums better serve the citizens of the United States."Liberals and art communities argued that the attempt to restrict NEA funding violated the First Amendment rights of artists, namely "free speeches." "No matter how divided individuals are on matters of taste," Arthur C. Danto wrote, "freedom is in the interest of every citizen." The interesting phase is that both sides are actually borrowing one another's point of view when they are accompanied by art criticism. Kramer, representative of conservative art critic, objected the invasion of political contents or values in art, and struggled to keep art's own realm by promoting pure aesthetic values such as quality and beauty. But, when he talked about Mapplethorpe's works, he advocated political and ethical values. By contrast, art experts who argued for Mapplethorpe's works in the Cincinnati trial defended his work, ironically by ignoring its manifest sexual metaphor or content although they believed that the issues of AIDS and homosexuality in his work were to be freely expressed in the art form. They adopted a formalistic approach, for example, by comparing a child nude with putti, a traditional child-angel icon. For a while, NEA debates made art institutions, whether consciously or unconsciously, exert self-censorship, yet at the same time they were also producing positive aspects. To the majority of people, art was still regarded as belonging to the pure aesthetic realm away from political, economical, and social ones. These debates, however, were expanding the very perspective on the notion of what is art and of how art is produced, raising questions on art appreciation, representation, and power. The interesting fact remains: had the works not been swiped in NEA debates, could the Serrano's or Mapplethorpe's images gain the extent of power and acceptance that it has today?

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.733-739
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• 1966

A 371 agricultural households from 26 different communities in South Korea was subjected on a study of food taboos in January of 1966. To the pregnant women, those to whom a high protein diet is particurally important, as many as 14 different kinds of foods, mostly portein rich foods, were avoided to eat. It is believed that if duck is eaten while pregnant her baby may walk like a duck in later life. Some mother have a strong aversion to the rabbit meat that her unborn baby must be a harelip. It is feared to eat chicken, shark or carp by the pregnant mother for her baby may get a gooseflesh appearance, or fish scale-like skin in later life. It is thought that if mother eats soup made of meat borns, especially chicken bones, a disfigured baby may be born. Some area informed that if mother eats crab meat her future baby will always bubble. To the child-bearing mothers 13 different kinds of foods were avoided to eat. Some believe that if raddish kimchi, soybean curd, squash are eaten while dilivery that mother may get dental decay or to lose all her teeth. Other think that highly spiced raddish kimchi cause delivery difficult. To the lactating mothers 7 different items of foods were not recommended to eat. It is a common belief that eating green vegetables, especially fresh lettuce, are restricted that her baby may stool greenish. It is said that eating ginsen-chicken soup, or ginsen tea during lactating reduces breast milk secretion. To the weaning babies 7 different kinds of foods were prohibited to fee. Eggs are not eaten because mothers think her babies will start to talk very late. Eight different items of foods in cases of gastro-intestinal diseases, 5 items for liver disease, 7 items for high blood pressure as well as for paralysis were respectively restricted. It is said that meats including pork, beef, and chicken are neither desirable for the patients of high blood pressure nor those of paralysis. To the measles children 10 varieties of foods were restricted. Especially soybean products and meats were not encouraged to use for avoiding asecond attack of measles. For the common cold 8 different kinds of foods were aversed and men think that eating of soup of undria delays a recovery. For the tuberculosis 4 kinds of foods were prohibited to eat. It is said that wine, red pepper and ginsen will stimulate lung bleeding. Many mothers had a strong aversion to fermented shrimp and fish in case of style. and 5 different items of foods were restricted. In case of menstration not so many foods were restricted as other cases, but meat soup is not eaten in this condition in some areas. Majority of food taboos in Korean villages are neither based on tribal nor religious factors. But no one knows how, since what ages, from where, these food taboos have been transmitted and spread over the country. This survey found a great variety of food taboos, aversions, traditional beliefs and prohibitions latent unknown reseasons, or non-scientific conceptions, or completely different ideas from the modern medical aspect, or somewhat fallacious and superstitious beliefs. For the vascular disease contrasting approach were found between modern the oritical therapy and popular remedy among the rural populations who largely depend on the eastern medication. Further scientific study on either side should be done to lead the patient proper way. Many restricted foods such as rabbit, duck, chicken and fish are best resources of protein rich foods which are available in the village. Emphasis should be laid upon breaking down fallacious and supersititious food taboos through the extended nutrition education activities in order to improve food habit and good eating pattern for healthier and stronger generations of Korea.