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A Study on the Change of Landscape in Bulguksa Temple through a Iconographic Materials in the Period of Japanese Occupation (일제강점기 도상자료를 통한 불국사의 경관변화에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Kyu-Won;Ahn, Gye-Bog;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.21-30
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    • 2015
  • Bulguksa Temple, a typical temple of Silla was lost during Japanese Invasion of Korea and there are records of reconstructing in its record, Bulguksa Sajeok. There is no record after that. And reconstructing was stopped due to lack of money and repair works were conducted for two times in Japanese colonial era. First repair work was from 1989 to 1919 and second repair work was conducted from 1922 to 1925. After Liberation, Bulguksa Temple Restoration Committee was established in 1969 and the construction has started since 1970 after excavation investigation to complete in 1973. The shape of south arcade without walls in the main temple of Bulguksa was found in a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era in National Archives of Korea now and a picture of Bulguksa in 1902 taken by Sekino Tadashi. It verified the correlation between Gupumyeonji which was discovered in restoration work in 1970s and a legend of Muyoungtap. And a stair from the hall of Paradise to the main temple was introduced as a stair including Pure Land Buddhism doctrine in many literature materials, but a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era and reports of excavation investigation in 1970s verified that it was a temporary stair built by Japan and its meaning was given later. This research checked the scenery of Bulguksa Temple before Japanese colonial era and it is intended for basic data to conduct restoration or reconstruction project in the future.

Properties of Components for the Dapogye of Hipped and Gable Roof Wooden Buildings (합각지붕 사찰 주불전의 규모에 따른 기둥 및 처마부 관계분석 연구)

  • Go, Jung-Ju;Lee, Jeong-Soo
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.15 no.5
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    • pp.3192-3202
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    • 2014
  • This study has its purposes on analyzing specific features of the elements according to scales of 32 main buddhist sancta among wooden temples with gable roof that are nationally designated as cultural assets, and analyzing influences and proportional relations between main and submaterials, so that it could be basic and objective data for restore and repair cultural assets in the future. Results of the study are following. First of all, the average plane proportion of doritong (facade) and yangtong (side) in 3-room building is about 1.31:1, while it is 1.70:1 in 5-room building. Secondly, as a result of analyzing the locational proportion and thickness of pillars at each location, floor room turned out to have wider space between pillars than that of edge room or side room in both cases of 3 and 5-room buildings. In the mean time, for the average thickness of the pillars in 3-room building, it was 491mm for corner pillars, 433mm for general pillars in cases of 3-room building, while it was 595 and 511mm respectively in cases of 5-room building. The reason why corner pillars are 60~80mm thicker than general ones in average, is determined to considered structural stability and optical illusion. For the third, as a result of analyzing the influences on pillar thickness, eaves projection and eaves height according to the scale(dimension) of buildings, 3-room buildings have outstanding correlation as its scale(dimension) goes bigger, while 5-room ones are not very much influenced by its scale(dimension). For the fourth, as a result of the relation between pillars and eaves, both of 3 and 5-room buildings have longer-projected and higher eaves as their pillars go taller; especially height of eaves turns out to have very close relation between length of pillars. In addition to that, both of 3 and 5-room buildings have much projected eaves as the eaves go higher.

The Manufacturing Time and Influence of the Buddhist Metal Artifacts Excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple Site (삼척 흥전리사지 출토 불교공예품의 제작시기와 영향 관계)

  • LEE Yongjin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.46-61
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    • 2023
  • Various Buddhist metal artifacts were excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site from 2014 to 2020, such as gilt-bronze openwork decorations, a bronze kundika, a lion incense burner with a handle and lion weight, and so on. The gilt-bronze openwork decoration founded from the main hall of the western area is believed to have been used for the decoration of the Buddhist temple, and it is considered to be the best example of the gilt-bronze openwork decorations of the unified Silla that have been discovered so far. The incense burner with a handle and lion weight excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site is the earliest example of the style. The bronze kundikas excavated at the Heungjeon-ri Temple site have a more developed style than those of Ingaksa Temple. The bronze bowl and bronze bowl with a lid are similar to those excavated from the Anapji, Hwangryongsa Temple site, and Inwangdong Temple site. So these bronze vessels seem to have spread from the capital city to the provinces. Bronze seals excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site are similar to those of the Hwangnyongsa Temple site in form and font. So, it was considered that they were produced and sent by the royal palace. In addition, "梵雄官衙之印" on the seal can be said to show that Heungjeonri Temple site was related to the organization of the monks at the time. The Buddhist metal artifacts excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site are believed to have been used from the early to mid-9th century at the temple by the Seon Order monk who was the main character of the monument. It can be said to be an important example of how the royal palace of Unified Silla and local crafts had a two-way influence, not a one-way influence, from the first half to the middle of the 9th century.

Effect of Seed Method and Seeding Rate on the Agronomic Characteristics and Yield of Forage Barley (파종방법 및 파종량이 사료용 보리의 생육특성 및 수량에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, W.H.;Seo, S.;Shin, J.S.;Lim, Y.C.;Kim, K.Y;Choi, K.C.;Kim, C.H.
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.317-323
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    • 2004
  • This study was carried out to determine the effect of seed method and seeding rate on the desirable agronomic characteristics and yield of forage barley(Hordeum vuigare) at paddy field, National Livestock Research Institute, RDA, Suwon from October 2001 to May 2003. The experiment was arranged in a spilt plot design with three replications. Main plots consisted of tow seed method; Broadcasting and drilling, Sub-plots consisted of seeding rates; 130. 160, 190 and 220 kg/ha. The results obtained were summarized as fellows ; The resistance of cold, disease and lodging of barley for the seeding method and seed rate were not different. And dry matter percentage of barley for a seeding method of 130 kg/ha at the broadcasting was the lowest of $32.0\%$, and that for the drilling at 130 kg/ha was $32.7\%(P<0.05). Fresh yield of barley for a seeding method of drilling at 130 kg/ha was the highest of 32,073 kg/ha, and that for a seeding method of broadcasting at 130 kg/ha was the lowest of 20,944 kg/ha(P<0.05). Dry matter yield of barley for a seeding method of drilling at 160 and 130 kg/ha were the highest 9,170 and 9,138 kg/ha, and that fur a seeding method of broadcasting at 130 kg/ha was the lowest of 5,710 kg/ha(P<0.05). Based on the results of this experiment, it appears that the seeding method and rate of barley could be enhanced by drilling from 130 to 160 kg/ha, and broadcasting from 190 to 220 kg/ha. respectively.

A Study on the Construction Process of the Garden in 'Unbo's House' Focused on the Individual Relationship (인물관계로 본 '운보의 집' 정원의 조영과정)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.149-159
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    • 2018
  • The study is aimed at establishing basic data to identify the original forms of the garden in Unbo's House. Through interviews and related data comparison analysis the ideas and major events of the person involved in establishing a garden in Unbo's House. Also, derived the direct and indirect effects of these people on gardening. The results are as follows: First, Those directly related to garden in Unbo's House are representative figures of cultural heritage and traditional art in Korea. Based on their expertise and abundant experience in traditional spaces, they contributed greatly to the creation of Unbo's House as a traditional space. Unbo Kim, Gi-Chang who directly influenced Unbo's House gardening, which affected the site selection, location, and the installation of major garden plant plants and traditional landscaping facilities. Hyegok Choi, Soon-Woo recommended Wabon Kim, Dong-Hyun at the request of Kim Ki-Chang and was involved in the overall plan. Housing design, space design and design of major facilities such as pond were confirmed Wabon Kim Dong-Hyun. Second, Kim, Gi-Chang's wife Jeong, Rae-Hyun, who motived to construct a garden. Nosan Lee, Eun-Sang and Korean artist Lee, Seok-Ho were created a signboard and board of the Pillar to encourage simple life in paintings. The themes of the article motived image as creative. In addition, Kim, Hyeong-Sik and Kim, Wan who son of Unbo, has been with Unbo for a long time, watching and influencing garden changes in Unbo's House. Third, The main factors that influenced the garden by character are as follows. Unbo Kim, Ki-Chang had a thorough record-setting spirit and his longing for his mother and wife affected the selection of the site and setting the direction of the garden. His art world with the symbolic emphasis of traditional landscapes, including traditional facilities, and especially plant materials. Choi, Sun-Woo reflected his traditional consciousness and experience in the construction of Unbo's House. Kim, Dong-Hyun applied the basic framework of a traditional building based on Yeonkyongdang hall in Changdeokgung palace. He also reflected on the traditional landscaping design the facilities of ponds acquired through excavation of Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, Gyeongju. Nosan Lee, Eun-Sang and Lee, Seok-Ho completed their unique place in Unbo's House. Kim, Hyung-Sik was involved in the process of changing, while Kim Wan ran the Unbo's House which he inherited from Kim, Ki-Chang.

A Study on Characteristics of Reinterpretation and Tourism on Historic Sites of Buyeo Region during Japanese Colonial Era (일제강점기 부여고적의 재해석과 고적관광의 성격)

  • Kim, Jong soo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.1
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    • pp.84-97
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    • 2016
  • One of the assimilation policies of Japanese imperialism for the permanent domination in the colonial Joseon is the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. The theory of integration of Japan and Joseon is a logic that Joseon (Korea) and Japan (Wae) were connected to the same ancestor on the basis of ancient myths. Also it is the assimilation ideology to justify the Colonial rule of those days through the objectification of historical identity or affinity of political and cultural relations of ancient Korean peninsula and Japan (Wae). Japan reorganized our history to meet the colonial point of view, as part of the assimilation policies based on the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. On the other hand Japan attempted to objectify them through archaeological research and the reinterpretation of the historical remains. The survey, reinterpretation and tourist of the historic sites in historic cities such as Gyeongju and Buyeo were promoted in this context. In particular, the Buyeo, a capital of Baekje, was emphasized upon the close relevance and affinity between Sabi, Baekje and ancient Asuka (飛鳥) in Japan through research and reinterpretation on the Historic Sites. Based on them, Historic Sites Tourism was conducted by reconstructed historic sites toward the colonial Korean. In addition, after the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, Japan tried to realize the politics of space by upgrading and idealizing Buyeo as homeland or Shinto (神都) related to Japanese ancient mythology of the Asuka culture. This paper investigated in what context research, reinterpret and tourist of the historic sites progressed on Buyeo area and how it had soaked through the general public in the Japanese colonial era. First, it is on historic sites. Historic sites research on Buyeo area made an attempt by Sekino Tadashi in 1909 for the first time and the re-excavation of the old burial mounds and temple sites during the Japanese colonial period. Sekino set up a cultural relationship and influences between the ancient China (梁), Korea (百濟) and Japan (倭). Also, he emphasized that Sabi, Baekje largely received influence of Chinese culture and Baekje and Japan Asuka culture had closely relations and affinity. These views had been consistent during the Japanese colonial period. Second, it is the reinterpretation on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society (Buyeo Gojeok Bojonhoe) was established in 1915 and Osaka Kintaro, curator of Baekje exhibition hall redefined the relationship between ancient Japan and Baekje as perspective of the assimilation ideology through the post contextual interpretation. In particular, they emphasized on the close relevance between Baekje's Historic sites and Japan, through the reinterpretation of Nakhwaam, Goransa and Cheongmasanseong. Third, it is the tourist on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society played a leading role in Tourist on Historic sites at the Buyeo region. The main tourist destinations and course were restructured through a reinterpretation on the historic sites. Japan would like to show Buyeo as ideology area, homeland of ancient Japanese culture, toward the Koreans under Japanese colonial era. Thus, research, reinterpretation, and tourism on Historic sites were promoted while they were closely related to each other. The promoting body was Joseon Chongdokbu and pro-Japanese interest group. It's point was 'made' and 'shown' by the eyes of others and a rediscovery of Buyeo as representational space of colony.

The Sillok as National Supreme Archives : An archival interpretation (실록(實錄) : 등록(謄錄)의 위계(位階))

  • O, Hang-Nyeong
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.3
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    • pp.91-113
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    • 2001
  • History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

A study on the air pollutant emission trends in Gwangju (광주시 대기오염물질 배출량 변화추이에 관한 연구)

  • Seo, Gwang-Yeob;Shin, Dae-Yewn
    • Journal of environmental and Sanitary engineering
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.1-26
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    • 2009
  • We conclude the following with air pollution data measured from city measurement net administered and managed in Gwangju for the last 7 years from January in 2001 to December in 2007. In addition, some major statistics governed by Gwangju city and data administered by Gwangju as national official statistics obtained by estimating the amount of national air pollutant emission from National Institute of Environmental Research were used. The results are as follows ; 1. The distribution by main managements of air emission factory is the following ; Gwangju City Hall(67.8%) > Gwangsan District Office(13.6%) > Buk District Office(9.8%) > Seo District Office(5.5%) > Nam District Office(3.0%) > Dong District Office(0.3%) and the distribution by districts of air emission factory ; Buk District(32.8%) > Gwangsan District(22.4%) > Seo District(21.8%) > Nam District(14.9%) > Dong District(8.1%). That by types(Year 2004~2007 average) is also following ; Type 5(45.2%) > Type 4(40.7%) > Type 3(8.6%) > Type 2(3.2%) > Type 1(2.2%) and the most of them are small size of factory, Type 4 and 5. 2. The distribution by districts of the number of car registrations is the following ; Buk District(32.8%) > Gwangsan District(22.4%) > Seo District(21.8%) > Nam District(14.9%) > Dong District(8.1%) and the distribution by use of car fuel in 2001 ; Gasoline(56.3%) > Diesel(30.3%) > LPG(13.4%) > etc.(0.2%). In 2007, there was no ranking change ; Gasoline(47.8%) > Diesel(35.6%) > LPG(16.2%) >etc.(0.4%). The number of gasoline cars increased slightly, but that of diesel and LPG cars increased remarkably. 3. The distribution by items of the amount of air pollutant emission in Gwangju is the following; CO(36.7%) > NOx(32.7%) > VOC(26.7%) > SOx(2.3%) > PM-10(1.5%). The amount of CO and NOx, which are generally generated from cars, is very large percentage among them. 4. The distribution by mean of air pollutant emission(SOx, NOx, CO, VOC, PM-10) of each county for 5 years(2001~2005) is the following ; Buk District(31.0%) > Gwangsan District(28.2%) > Seo District(20.4%) > Nam District(12.5%) > Dong District(7.9%). The amount of air pollutant emission in Buk District, which has the most population, car registrations, and air pollutant emission businesses, was the highest. On the other hand, that of air pollutant emission in Dong District, which has the least population, car registrations, and air pollutant emission businesses, was the least. 5. The average rates of SOx for 5 years(2001~2005) in Gwangju is the following ; Non industrial combustion(59.5%) > Combustion in manufacturing industry(20.4%) > Road transportation(11.4%) > Non-road transportation(3.8%) > Waste disposal(3.7%) > Production process(1.1%). And the distribution of average amount of SOx emission of each county is shown as Gwangsan District(33.3%) > Buk District(28.0%) > Seo District(19.3%) > Nam District(10.2%) > Dong District(9.1%). 6. The distribution of the amount of NOx emission in Gwangju is shown as Road transportation(59.1%) > Non-road transportation(18.9%) > Non industrial combustion(13.3%) > Combustion in manufacturing industry(6.9%) > Waste disposal(1.6%) > Production process(0.1%). And the distribution of the amount of NOx emission from each county is the following ; Buk District(30.7%) > Gwangsan District(28.8%) > Seo District(20.5%) > Nam District(12.2%) > Dong District(7.8%). 7. The distribution of the amount of carbon monoxide emission in Gwangju is shown as Road transportation(82.0%) > Non industrial combustion(10.6%) > Non-road transportation(5.4%) > Combustion in manufacturing industry(1.7%) > Waste disposal(0.3%). And the distribution of the amount of carbon monoxide emission from each county is the following ; Buk District(33.0%) > Seo District(22.3%) > Gwangsan District(21.3%) > Nam District(14.3%) > Dong District(9.1%). 8. The distribution of the amount of Volatile Organic Compound emission in Gwangju is shown as Solvent utilization(69.5%) > Road transportation(19.8%) > Energy storage & transport(4.4%) > Non-road transportation(2.8%) > Waste disposal(2.4%) > Non industrial combustion(0.5%) > Production process(0.4%) > Combustion in manufacturing industry(0.3%). And the distribution of the amount of Volatile Organic Compound emission from each county is the following ; Gwangsan District(36.8%) > Buk District(28.7%) > Seo District(17.8%) > Nam District(10.4%) > Dong District(6.3%). 9. The distribution of the amount of minute dust emission in Gwangju is shown as Road transportation(76.7%) > Non-road transportation(16.3%) > Non industrial combustion(6.1%) > Combustion in manufacturing industry(0.7%) > Waste disposal(0.2%) > Production process(0.1%). And the distribution of the amount of minute dust emission from each county is the following ; Buk District(32.8%) > Gwangsan District(26.0%) > Seo District(19.5%) > Nam District(13.2%) > Dong District(8.5%). 10. According to the major source of emission of each items, that of oxides of sulfur is Non industrial combustion, heating of residence, business and agriculture and stockbreeding. And that of NOx, carbon monoxide, minute dust is Road transportation, emission of cars and two-wheeled vehicles. Also, that of VOC is Solvent utilization emission facilities due to Solvent utilization. 11. The concentration of sulfurous acid gas has been 0.004ppm since 2001 and there has not been no concentration change year by year. It is considered that the use of sulfurous acid gas is now reaching to the stabilization stage. This is found by the facts that the use of fuel is steadily changing from solid or liquid fuel to low sulfur liquid fuel containing very little amount of sulfur element or gas, so that nearly no change in concentration has been shown regularly. 12. Concerning changes of the concentration of throughout time, the concentration of NO has been shown relatively higher than that of $NO_2$ between 6AM~1PM and the concentration of $NO_2$ higher during the other time. The concentration of NOx(NO, $NO_2$) has been relatively high during weekday evenings. This result shows that there is correlation between the concentration of NOx and car traffics as we can see the Road transportation which accounts for 59.1% among the amount of NOx emission. 13. 49.1~61.2% of PM-10 shows PM-2.5 concerning the relationship between PM-10 and PM-2.5 and PM-2.5 among dust accounts for 45.4%~44.5% of PM-10 during March and April which is the lowest rates. This proves that particles of yellow sand that are bigger than the size $2.5\;{\mu}m$ are sent more than those that are smaller from China. This result shows that particles smaller than $2.5\;{\mu}m$ among dust exist much during July~August and December~January and 76.7% of minute dust is proved to be road transportation in Gwangju.

A Study of the Removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from the Samneung Valley at Namsan, Gyeongju during the Japanese Colonial Era (일제강점기 경주 남산 삼릉계 약사여래좌상 반출 경위에 대한 고찰)

  • Jun, Araki
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.150-169
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    • 2020
  • Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.